Canonization of Scripture and 2 Peter 3:15-16

college papers

It is generally the case that many critical issues arise from the study of the canonical letter 2 Peter. Objectively, this may be said for any canonical New Testament work. Since, however, the majority of modern scholarship basically denies Petrine authorship (relegating it as a second-century composition by some unknown author), any discussion which is principally based upon 2 Peter requires interaction with this critical problem. Failure to consider this vital element of Petrine studies in the discussion of any textual topic seems to stop short of objectivity. The need to grapple with this issue is readably seen in a consideration of the canonization of Scripture as studied in light of the statement penned in 2 Pet 3:15-16.

The view taken regarding the authorship of 2 Peter plays a major role not only in the evaluation of any passage but also the implications derived from it. As in the case of 2 Peter 3:15-16, divergent views regarding the canonization process, nature of Scripture, Pauline literature, and ethics of deception arise due to one’s position of authorship. For example, the statements from 3:15-16 may argue either that the apostle Peter believes that Pauline letters are “Scripture” and should always be regarded as such;[1] in contradistinction, the passage may be employed as evidence to demonstrate that some second century disciple, writing under Peter’s name and authority attempted to contribute to the normative use of the Pauline corpus as Scripture.[2]

The divergence here centers upon which argumentation for authorship is accepted by the student. Again, if 2 Peter is penned by some fictitious “Simeon Peter” (2 Pet 1:1), purporting to be an apostle of Jesus Christ, what ethical impact does this have upon the normative prohibitives of bearing false witness (Exod 20:16)? This poses an ethical dilemma, especially when the author warns against “false prophets” who employ “false words” (2:1-3).

The canonization of Scripture and 2 Peter 3:15-16 will be evaluated in 3 steps. First, the argument of 2 Peter 3:15-16 will be evaluated at face value in light of the rest of document. Second, the concept of canon and a sketch of the New Testament canon will be outlined as it relates to 2 Peter. Finally, we will consider evidence for the first-century use of 2 Peter and its implications for an early collection of Paul’s letters (i.e. a Pauline corpus).

The Argument of 2 Peter 3:15-16 in Context

To gain as near as possible to a proper understanding of 2 Peter 3:15-16 and its place in the process of the canonization of Scripture, attention must be given to the argument of the passage.

Jerome H. Neyrey depends upon a rhetorical model in order to outline and understand the flow of argument of 2 Peter,[3] suggesting that the letter is best divided into three rhetorical phases: (1) the exodium (1:3-15), (2) the probatio (1:16-3:13), and (3) the peroratio (3:14-18).[4] The exordium “announces the hortatory intention of the speaker/writer, suggests the topics to be developed in the remainder of the writing, and requests a serious hearing” (1:3-15).[5] The probatio is basically the “proof” of the author’s case which is to persuade the intended audience by refuting the opposition’s claims, thus demonstrating the validity of Peter’s claims (1:16-3:13).[6] Finally, the peroratio which consists of two integral parts: the recapitulation (repetitio) of central ideas of the document (i.e. a summation), and an emotional appeal (adfectus) to the audience based upon the validity of the arguments found within the body of the letter (3:14-18).[7]

In this light, 2 Peter 3:14-18 should then be viewed in balance to the “themes and issues raised” from the beginning of the letter (1:16-3:13); namely, eschatological godliness through knowledge, and this knowledge mediated through genuine and normative teaching (the prophetic scritpures).[8] Fittingly, this section begins with the use of the inferential conjunction dió (“therefore”) in 3:14 which serves to show these verses are logically connected either as a deduction, conclusion or even as a summary. It brings into clear view that the logical connection is “self evident” (2 Pet 1:10, 12).[9] Without laboring this point much more, dió transitions to Peter’s insistence “that the link between faith and conduct must be maintained.”[10]

The arguments raised against the heresy –a religio-philosophical school of thought– addressed in 2 Peter 2 concludes with an exhortation to live right (2 Pet 3:1-13). Thomas R. Schreiner notes that here “many themes from its [2 Peter’s] beginning reappears” and astutely observes:

Peter’s argument is not pragmatic […] he did not invent the idea of a future judgment to foster ethical living now. On the contrary, the day of the Lord, consisting of both judgment and salvation, was bedrock reality for him. On the basis of this reality, believers are exhorted to godliness.[11]

Thomas R. Schreiner, 1, 2 Peter, Jude (Broadman, 2003)

Bauckham likewise shows how this moral argument is given weight and authority throughout 3:14-18 in three ways:[12] (1) “eschatology supplies a motive for ethical conduct” (3:14-15a), (2) accurately exegeted Pauline literature supports this rationale (3:15b-16), and (3) by way of a reminder of 2 Peter’s polemic against these false teachers (3:17).

2 Peter 3:14-17 is consequently the capstone of a moral argument set forth throughout the letter, rising from both apostolic theology and eschatology. The text may be translated as follows:

[14] Therefore, loved ones, since you wait for these things be eager to be found by him as spotless ones and blameless ones in peace; [15] and consider the patience of our Lord as salvation, just as also our beloved brother Paul (according to the wisdom entrusted to him) wrote to you, [16] as also by all [his] letters addressing these things in them, in which it is hard to understand some things, which those who are ignorant and unstable twist to their own destruction as also the remaining Scriptures. [17] You therefore, loved ones, knowing in advance, be on your guard, in order that you may not be carried away from [your] firm footing by the error of lawless people. (Author's Translation)

Of particular interest here is the vocabulary employed in versus 15-16. 2 Peter employs the authoritative weight of the Apostle Paul and a collection of his letters (pásais taís epistolaìs, “all [his] letters”) to support his argument. The false teachers, moreover, are characterized as “ignorant” (amatheìs) and “unstable” (astēriktoi), are twisting (streblōsousin) Paul’s words and the “remaining Scriptures” (tàs loipàs graphàs) to their “destruction” (apōleian).

The language itself embraces canonical language; in other words, the sort of language which recognizes normative revelation.[13] The recipients of 2 Peter were expected to obey these words. Conceptionally, then, the author of 2 Peter is appealing to an inspired holy prophet (i.e., Paul 3:15; cf. 1:20-21; 3:2), the normative Scriptures of the Hebrews (3:5-6), and himself implicitly as one who can identify the “prophetic word” (1:19). This simple observation must not be overlooked. Neyrey, who questions the validity of the argument here, recognizes that this may be a claim of “legitimacy” since there “is only one tradition of teaching of God’s judgment and Jesus’ parousia.”[14] This has the double effect of authenticating 2 Peter’s argument, while “automatically discrediting” the false teachers.[15] Richard Bauckham likewise agrees that the author, whoever he is, “wishes to point out that his own teaching (specifically in 3:14-15a) is in harmony with Paul’s because Paul was an important authority for his readers.”[16] The appeal to a normative standard is definitely a necessity in order to demonstrate the validity of the argument. Is that not a canonical concept?

If the author of 2 Peter is employing normative, or standard, theological argumentation based upon authoritative figures (i.e. Paul and the Old Testament) the implication is that the false teachers are not. Yet, the text show that the false teachers are so misconstruing Paul and the Old Testament’s affirmations that they are “torturing” them, to the point of making them appear as if they teach something that they do not (streblōsousin);[17] thus, the audience is to understand that there is a normative standard which is being replaced by a foreign “interpretation” (2 Pet 1:20-21). The language of the passage is again revealing. Paul is regarded as one who was endowed with wisdom (dotheisan autō sophían), which is a natural allusion to his direct reception of revelation elsewhere synonymously described (1 Cor 2:11-13; Gal 1:12-17).[18] Paul’s letters are saturated with wisdom, but his words are subject to specious interpretive methods which disjoint their intent and meaing, and lead to a behavior that leads to a self-imposed destruction.

It seems, then, that this destruction stems from the fact that Paul’s letters and “the remaining Scriptures” (tàs loipàs graphàs) in some way share the same character.[19] 2 Peter 3:16 connects this torture of tàs loipàs graphàs to their destruction as well, meaning that the same kind of punishment awaiting those who distort the meaning of Paul’s letters is awaiting those who twist the “rest of the Scriptures.”[20] Contextually, this phrase refers to the Old Testament Scriptures since the New Testament had not been collected and collated as modern Christians experience.[21] Even Bauckham, who is opposed to Petrine authorship of 2 Peter, acknowledges that “it would make no sense to take graphàs in the nontechnical sense of ‘writings’; the definite article requires us to give it its technical sense” though he conceives of other books in the author’s purview.[22] Likewise, Earl J. Richard simply observes, “that the author means to include in this category the OT Scriptures is obvious, but beyond that it is unclear what Christian works would have been thus labeled.”[23] 

From these observations, the proposition is advanced here that the author of 2 Peter grounds his argumentation in a reference to accepted authority (tradition, or standard). This authority is threefold: (1) his prophetic office as an apostle, (2) the Apostle Paul’s letters, and (3) the rest of the writings (i.e., Old Testament). This internal textual argumentation is generally accepted despite some questions regarding 2 Peter 3:15-16 and its admission of the “hard sayings” in Paul’s treatment of some matters.[24]

2 Peter and the New Testament Canon

In order to properly evaluate the relationship between 2 Peter, the Pauline corpus, and the balance of the New Testament documents, let us consider a working sketch of the development of the New Testament canon.

The Term. Harry Gamble makes the observation that if examined “within the full context of early Christian literature, the documents which came to constitute the NT canon are not, as a group, recognizably unique.”[25] It still remains, according to King McCarver, that “the formation of the canon cannot be understood apart from divine authority.”[26] McCarver argues that the initial recipients of the New Testament books could identify these works, and because of the ability to distinguish (with varying degrees) those documents from other early Christian literature. Gamble must be taken in balance with this observation.

The term canon (kanōn) is a semitic loanword which for our purpose has three basic meanings which play, as Gamble observes, some role in the conception of the canonization of Scripture.[27] First, deriving from the literal origin of being a reed of bulrush or papyrus, kanōn came to denote for the craftsman a “measuring rod,” a “rule,” or simply put “a tool for measurement or alignment” hence a “straight rod.”[28] Second, the literal meaning gave way to metaphorical usage in keeping with the concept of standardization; thus, canon became also synonymous with “an ideal standard, a firm criterion against which something could be evaluated and judged.” Third, kanōn also came to mean “a list” or “a catalogue” which seems to have been based upon the calibration marks on the reed stick.[29] All these uses of kanōn have also found their way into the broader limits of the liberal arts for identifying unparalleled standards, but when it applies to sacred literature “canon denotes a list or collection of authoritative books.”[30] Canon, when addressing Christian literature regarded as Scripture, means that these works are “the rule of faith” (regula fidei) and “the rule of truth” (regula veritatis); consequently, they are governing normative standards of apostolic faith.[31]

A brief note on the use of kanōn in the New Testament is relevant here. Its use in the New Testament is minimal, a total of four times. Of these four uses only Galatians 6:16 carries this sense of a standard rule, “And as for all who walk by this rule [tō kanóni], peace and mercy be upon them, and upon the Israel of God.” The other three uses are found in the same context of 2 Corinthians 10 in the sense of a measured area of ministerial labor and growth outlined by God (10:13, 15-16). This shows the spectrum of the use and meaning of kanōn in the New Testament and how the term canon came to be used to describe the authoritative writings of God’s people.

A Historical Sketch. A sketch of the development of the New Testament canon will assist to properly evaluate the relationship between 2 Peter and the letters of Paul.

For purpose of this study attention is given (1) to some factors which impeded the canonization process,[32] (2) to some of the debates among the extant Apostolic Fathers.[33]

First, factors which impeded the canonization process. Dowell Flatt in his lecture, “Why Twenty Seven New Testament Books?,” notes that there are at least seven important factors which impeded the canonization process of the New Testament documents.[34] In summary form, these are:

  1. The early church accepted the Hebrew Bible as an authoritative body of divine literature and interpreted it christologically; consequently, “it did not immediately appear that another set of books would be needed.” 
  2. The early church was still under the shadow of the Lord’s presence and life, and many of them would feel “no need for a written account of his life.”
  3. Eyewitness testimony (i.e. apostles and close disciples) to the Lord’s life and work was still abundant and alive (1 Cor 15:6); consequently, so long as living witnesses were available there was a low need for a written account (#2).
  4. Oral tradition was a vital element in the early Jewish culture and the make-up of the early church, and “as strange as it might sound to modern ears, many Jewish teachers did not commit their teachings to writing.” Oral tradition was important even around 130 A.D., for Papias felt that “the word of a living, surviving voice” was more important than “information from books.”[35] Other factors placing an importance upon oral tradition are the expense of books, the spectrum of literacy and illiteracy among the classes,[36] and that there is no record of Jesus specifically writing nor commanding a written record be composed.[37] 
  5. The nature of many apostolic writings was letters, not literary works, so is it understandable that “such writings” as the letters “were slow to be fully recognized as Scripture.” 
  6. The early church manifested in a belief of a first-century return of Jesus to consume the age (eschatology) had “some influence” to hinder the canonization process.
  7. The divinely inspired would speak a prophetic word, and while this was available the church was in no need of a written record per se. Kurt Aland observes the second-century church, living beyond this blessing, “began to carefully distinguish between the apostolic past and the present.”[38]

McCarver adds to this list an eighth factor which slowed the canonization process:

  • There was no “ecclesiastical organization” which “composed or established the canon,” but instead the slow reception of these works at various intervals, across a large geographical region, of the early church was the context of the early sifting process before the councils.[39]

No doubt other factors were in play but these allow us to appreciate the forces at work in the early church during this process.

Second, some of the debates among the extant Apostolic Fathers centered on early Christian literature and their authority. Gamble presents the various discussions and canonical debates in two significant time periods:[40] (1) the second century and (2) the third and fourth centuries. Gamble’s survey demonstrates that it was not an easy time for the early church. There were many signs of the church in transition. In particular, it manifiested in a responsibility that had never been the universal church’s responsibility, namely, the collecting and sorting out the authoritative documents of the new covenant. These were extraordinary times indeed.

The extant records of the Apostolic Fathers demonstrate that not all churches had the same documents. Furthermore, some viewed certain works inspired while others did not, meanwhile, some would use certain documents later found to be spurious and reject them.[41] One of the largest subjects to discussed was the authenticity of the Gospel narratives and that of the letters of the Apostle Paul; especially, their place when compared to other similar gospel accounts and letters. Some employed Gospel narratives which are not in our present canonical and others rejected the use of some of Paul’s letters.[42] Kurt Aland observes that “contemporary with the abating of the prophetic impulse there developed the awareness of history.”[43] In other words, the church was truly without the aid of the apostles and prophets, and its future would be now in the hands of the documents they left behind (John 16:13).

Cecil M. Robeck, Jr., gives a detailed analysis of another major problem of the second century, and well into the third century, namely that the early church had to begin sifting through Christian literature which claimed prophetic inspiration.[44] The early church was consequently embroiled in a matrix of canonical upheaval, but building upon the growing recognized canon and “the rule of faith,” it wrestled back and forth accepting what they thought was prophetic and rejecting documents having no validity and those which were inconsistent with apostolic tradition.[45] Gamble observes the travels of Origen, who was considerably informed of what documents the church had in its possession, and summarizes the items which lacked in the both the eastern and western church.[46]

The fourth century provides the work of Eusebius who was one the most informed leaders of his time. In his Church History, Eusebius informs his readers as follows regarding the state of “canonical affairs”:

At this point is may be appropriate to list the New Testament writings already referred to. The holy quartet of the Gospels are first, followed by the Acts of the Apostles. Next are Paul’s epistles, 1 John, and 1 Peter. The Revelation of John may be added […] These are the recognized books. Those that are disputed yet known to most are the epistles called James, Jude, 2 Peter, and the so-named 2 and 3 John, the work of the Evangelist or of someone else with the same name.[47]

Eusebius: The Church History – A New Translation with Commentary, trans. Paul L. Maier (Kregel, 1999)

Eusebius continues this discussion with another brief list, of spurious and heretical works under which the book of Revelation (some viewed it spurious) was still not fully recognized. These disputed volumes were often styled the antilegomena; meaning, they were not heretical, they was simply a continued debate over their authority. Still, Gamble concludes from Eusebius, “It seems that little development had taken place during the third century” for those works where were acknowledged are “precisely” those acknowledged at the end of the second century.[48] The fourth century would see a significant change in this accepted list.

Various lists are extant from the fourth century, besides that offered by Eusebius. The Cheltenham canon (A.D. 360) recognized our entire canon except Hebrews, James, Jude, 2 Peter, and 2 and 3 John.[49] The Festal Letter of Athanasius (A.D. 367) set forth for the first time a list named “as exclusively authoritative exactly the twenty-seven books which make up our NT.”[50] This did not sway the eastern church for a number of reasons. The most basic was that the Syrian church was going through its own sifting system and was recognizing books in its own time; consequently, “into the early fifth century, the Syrian church typically admitted only twenty-two books.”[51] For example, 2 Peter, 2-3 John, Jude, and Revelation did not appear in the early original Peshitta collections of the New Testament until 508 AD in the Philoxenian revision of the whole Syrian Bible.[52]

The early church was indeed grappling with the issue of canon for at least 350 years, traditionally somewhere in the mid-second century and encroaching into the fifth century A.D. During this time the Apostolic Fathers, as a body of strong church leadership evaluated what the communities of believers had received as Scripture. It is important to focus again to an important point, that there were factors which encouraged a slow process of canonization as mentioned above, and that early on there was no ecclesiastical government to encourage the universal collection, the collation, and the transmission of apostolic documents. Furthermore, it has been advanced above that the first recipients of the documents would have recognized the apostolic authority behind them and would have made a distinction between them and those which were regarded traditional but not authoritative.

In light of these points, Simon J. Kistemaker argues that the documents themselves were intrinsically authoritative, but it took time for the church universal to sift through this tremendous body of literature and come to an agreement. In other words, the early church was working to make a distinction between the words of the Spirit versus the words of Christian teachers. Kistemaker argues that the church was accepting a qualitative canon until it accepted a quantitative canon:

The books themselves, of course, have always been uniquely authoritative from the time of their composition. Therefore, we speak of a qualitative canon in early stages that led to a quantitative canon centuries later. The incipient canon began to exist near the end of the first century. The completed canon was recognized by the Church near the end of the fourth century.[53]

The Canon of the New Testament,” JETS 20 (1977)

Consequently, as has often been maintained, “the church did not create the canon,”[54] but instead, developing from the early post-apostolic church structure to the top in the various councils to give focused attention to the authenticity of these works.[55] We may argue then that while the canon did not come into existence in a simple moment, and that the canon did increase as each document was published by a New Testament apostle and prophet (qualitative canon), but that it took a historical process to separate these individual volumes from similar Christian documents which the early church had incorporated into its lifeblood (quantitative canon). 

First-Century Evidence for 2 Peter and a Pauline Corpus?

Finally, there is the first-century evidence for 2 Peter and collection processes of the letters of Paul. Robert E. Picirilli has shown that 2 Peter cannot be quickly dismissed as a second-century document, and finds evidence 2 Peter through allusions by late first-century and early second-century Apostolic Fathers.[56] Also, E. Randolph Richards likewise provides some context for evaluating the some of the natural movements for the collection of an early Pauline corpus.[57]

A brief history of the developing canon of the New Testament shows that 2 Peter and the letters of Paul had different historical “experiences” in their reception by the church universal. 2 Peter was often grouped with others volumes that were debated as to their authority, whereas Paul’s letters were often grouped together in different collections subject to criticisms due to their content by the likes of the gnostic heretic Marcion who reduced Paul’s letters to ten. In Marcion’s case, he may have done more to force the church to evaluate and determine what are the canonical New Testament documents.

It is sometimes argued that 2 Peter has no external attestation until late second century AD, but Picirilli’s work argues to the contrary. 2 Peter has early attestation through allusions by the late first-century and early second-century Apostolic Fathers.[58] Allusions are different from quotations, of course, as quotations are much stronger evidence than allussions since the quotation is a direct appeal to the source text; however, if the allusion has significant verbal similarity (correspondence) to a source, then its passing reference should not be, nor cannot be, ignored as a witness to its text source.

Among the earliest sources with allusions to 2 Peter are 1 Clement (95-95)[59] and 2 Clement (98-100?).[60] Picirilli claims that there are “three distinctive phrases that are common to Clement and 2 Peter”:[61] (1) a periphrasis (an indirect way) for the name of God (1 Clem 9:2), (2) the description of the Christian life (1 Clem 35:5), and (3) the description of the Scriptures (2 Clem 11:2). Picirilli pays careful attention to this verbal similarity, and argues for the priority of 2 Peter to demonstrate the dependence of 1 and 2 Clement.

First, Clement writes “Let us fix our eyes on those who perfectly served his magnificent glory” (1 Clem 9:2).[62] This indirect reference to God as “his magnificent glory” (tē megaloprepei dóxe autou) has strong verbal agreement to 2 Peter 1:17.[63] Here it is says, “For when he received honor and glory from God the Father, and the voice was borne to him by the Majestic Glory [tēs megaloprepous doxēs], ‘This is my beloved Son, with whom I am well pleased’” (ESV).

Second, 1 Clement 35:5 calls the Christian life, “the way of truth” (tē hodō tēs alētheías), which resembles 2 Peter 2:2, calling attention to some who are blaspheming the Christian lifestyle – “the way of truth” (hē hodòs tēs alētheías).[64]

Third, 2 Clement 11:2 refers to the Scriptures as “the prophetic Word” (ho prophētikos lógos); and in like manner 2 Peter 1:19 “the prophetic word” (ton prophētikon lógon). This latter example seems impressive since the argument in 2 Clement is to support eschatology in exactly the same polemic context as 2 Peter, against false teachers (2 Clem 10:1-11.7; 2 Pet 1:16-3:13).[65]

In observing this verbal agreement between 2 Peter and 1 and 2 Clement, Picirilli affirms, “it is interesting that three of 2 Peter’s distinctive phrases, unique in the Bible, are used in ‘Clement’, and in exactly the same way.”[66] Picirilli recognizes that several objections can be made against his researched conclusion, but despite all these objections the Apostolic Fathers demonstrate to be a strong verbal source for other allusions to 2 Peter within the first century.[67]

In addition, Guthrie argues that the greater amount of early external attestation one gets, then the greater support for the traditional date of 2 Peter.[68] Both Picirilli and Guthrie have been criticized by Michael J. Gilmour.[69] Gilmour argues that Picirilli’s observations are not helpful in arguing for an early origin of 2 Peter despite the possible allusions from the late first-century AD, because scholars who believe it was penned prior to the second century still hold that it is pseudonymous. Further, Guthrie’s point is weakened for Paul still had to warn against contemporary pseudonymous writers (2 Thess 2:1-2).[70] In other words, possible allusions do not prove authoriship since even the first-century saw the problem of assuming Paul’s name in order to distribute their views.

However, Picirilli’s work is a response to the constant argument that 2 Peter is not known in the first century, nor quoted until late into the second. After demonstrating that significant verbal allusions to 2 Peter exist within the first-century, he argues that those who still wish to oppose the traditional view of 2 Peter must prove that “their convictions of 2 Peter’s lateness is based on some grounds other than lack of possible allusions.”[71] Gilmour may be right that allusions do not prove authorship, but he does not discredit Picirlli’s demonstration of first-century verbal allusions.

Plainly stated, 2 Peter is a first-century document strikingly alluded to by Christian leaders in the late first-century. For the purpose of this study, the present point is sufficient, though we maintain the strength of Peter’s authorship of 2 Peter. So this makes its reference to a body of Paul’s letters all the more important. It is a major feature of its final conclusion which pleads his recipients to adhere to authoritative (orthodox) writings for the shaping of their faithful lives, and apparently, Paul’s letters were meaningful in this process.

2 Peter 3:15-16, then, reflects the existence of a Pauline corpus of indefinite size (en pásais taís epistolaìs) that both the author and his audience were (presumably) aware of. Therefore, some consideration of an early Pauline corpus must be given. Some concept of how Paul’s letters were collected and then circulated must be considered. It is argued here that the process was both gradual in scope but immediate to Paul.

The basis for this belief is grounded in slow circulation among the churches,[72] the typical secretarial duty to make copies, and the arrival and usage of the codex.[73] McCarver observes that the occasional nature of the epistles highlights the point that there was some specificity to a given locale, and consequently as other churches desired copies the “exchange and copying” was gradual.[74] Randolph Richards argues that the collection was unintentional, but provides evidence that on the analogy of ancient letter writers Paul would have had a copy of any letter in which he employed a secretary, or letter-writer (an amanuensis).[75] Likewise, consistent with this analogy, the secretary would have a copy of the letters for records.[76] Consequently, a collection of Paul’s was inevitable due to custom.

2 Timothy 4:11-13 also contributes to this discussion. Despite the fact that 1-2 Timothy and Titus are often considered pseudonymous by many scholars, a strong case can be made in favor of Pauline authorship. Still, the text reads:

Luke alone is with me. Get Mark and bring him with you, for he is very useful to me for ministry. Tychicus I have sent to Ephesus. When you come, bring the cloak that I left with Carpus at Troas, also the books, and above all the parchments. (1 Tim 4:11–13, ESV)

The term “the parchments” (tàs membránas) is rather interesting since Paul, according to Richards, “is the only Greek writer of the first century to refer to membra€nai, a Roman invention.”[77] Parchments codices were used to retain copies of letters for future use to prepare rough drafts of other letters later written for delivery.[78] Richards does engage how this passage is affected if the 2 Timothy is non-Pauline. In agreement, we argue that it only affects the explicit claim by Paul, but one can still “contend for Paul’s retaining his copies in a codex notebook solely because of customary practice.”[79] 

Thus, 2 Peter’s reference to a body of Pauline writings is consistent with available evidence of cannonical history, the use of 2 Peter, and the practice of collecting letters among ancient letter writers.

Concluding Thoughts

Attention now turns to drawing some conclusions. The traditional view towards 2 Peter would argue that 2 Peter 3:15-16 is the earliest apostolic witness to a corpus of Pauline letters which a community of Christians also knew about. The implicit awareness that the community of 2 Peter possibly owned a copy of a corpus, of indefinite proportion, is a tremendous support for the fact that the letters were authoritative not only for the original recipient, but this authority extends any community of believers dealing with the same issues. Consequently, despite these letters being directed for an alternative audience, its contents are “the rule of faith” (regula fidei) and “the rule of truth” (regula veritatis) for Peter’s recipients. In other words, they are: normative, an authoritative standard, canonical. Moreover, despite the limited acknowledgement of 2 Peter throughout the canonical history, and some of the problematic issues with the reception of the Pauline corpus, these letters are (with the above presupposition) authoritative.

If 2 Peter is the product of a pseudonymous author, despite its ethical problems, 2 Peter is still a product of the last half of the first-century AD, and at the very least the author was aware of a Pauline corpus. Moreover, if as Bauckham observes, 2 Peter is a testamentary letter where the audience understood that the letter is a fictitious document the audience then, it seems, would be also aware of a Pauline corpus of indefinite size. It therefore must be one of the earliest, if not the first, in the list of post-apostolic literature that appeals to a set standard to theology and ethics based upon an authoritative set of works (or canon), the prophetic office, the Old Testament, and Pauline literature. Even then, when viewed as a late first-century AD document, canonicity is a major and early grounding point in the minds of some in the early church, who were living in the shadows of the apostolic authority. This observation also implies that grounding teaching upon an authoritative group of documents is not strange but expected.

In summary, the meaning of 2 Peter 3:15-16 demonstrates a strong appeal to an authoritative body of literature based on the prophetic-apostolic office, the Old Testament, and Pauline literature. The concept of canon and a sketch of the history of the New Testament canon highlighted the complex matrix the Apostolic Fathers found themselves in. In this setting, the process was slow and developed differently in the east and the west. The unique vocabulary of 2 Peter is arguably found in the first century A.D., and despite some criticism concerning the implications which stem from this fact, a first century placement is a strong viable case. The Pauline corpus grew very naturally as both a quick and gradual process, by means of slow copying and exchange of the churches, the work of a secretary who would make multiple copies for the author and amanuensis, and the usage of a codex (membránas) made it available for a collection to exist and grew as Paul produced more letters. All these factors are particularly important when evaluating 2 Peter 3:15-16 and the process of canonization.

Endnotes

  1. Raymond C. Kelcy, The Letters of Peter and Jude (Abilene, TX: Abilene Christian University Press, 1987), 109-16; Donald Guthrie, New Testament Introduction, 4th ed. (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity, 1990), 812.
  2. Fred B. Craddock, First and Second Peter and Jude (Louisville, KY: WJK, 1993), 122; Archibald M. Hunter, Introducing the New Testament, 3rd edition (Philadelphia, PA:  Westminster, 1972), 186.
  3. Despite scholars showing variation in the structural outline of 2 Peter, on the main there is agreement on in the thought outline of the document. Thomas R. Schreiner, 1, 2 Peter, Jude (Nashville, TN: Broadman, 2003), 282; Richard J. Bauckham, Jude, 2 Peter (Waco, TX: Word Publishing, 1983), 135; Michael Green, 2 Peter and Jude (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2002), 65-66; Simon J. Kistemaker, Exposition of the Epistles of Peter and of the Epistle of Jude (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1987), 232-33.
  4. Jerome H. Neyrey, 2 Peter, Jude: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (New York, NY: Doubleday, 1993), 113-18.
  5. Neyrey, 2 Peter, Jude, 113.
  6. Neyrey, 2 Peter, Jude, 116.
  7. Neyrey, 2 Peter, Jude, 117-18.
  8. Neyrey, 2 Peter, Jude247.
  9. L&N 89.47.
  10. D. Edmond Hiebert, “Selected Studies from 2 Peter Part 4: Directives for Living in Dangerous Days: An Exposition of 2 Peter 3:14-18a,” BSac 141 (1984): 331.
  11. Schreiner, 1, 2 Peter, Jude, 393; cf. Bauckham, Jude, 2 Peter, 334; Luke T. Johnson, The Writings of the New Testament: An Interpretation (Philadelphia, PA: Fortress, 1986), 449.
  12. Bauckham, Jude, 2 Peter, 334-37.
  13. Hiebert, “2 Peter 3:14-18a,” 336.
  14. Neyrey, 2 Peter, Jude, 250.
  15. Neyrey, 2 Peter, Jude, 250.
  16. Bauckham, Jude, 2 Peter, 328.
  17. BDAG 948.
  18. Bauckham, Jude, 2 Peter, 329.
  19. Hiebert, “2 Peter 3:14-18a,” 336; Schreiner, 1, 2 Peter, Jude, 397-98; L&N 1:61.
  20. BDAG 602; W. Günther H. Krienke, “Remnant, Leave,” NIDNTT, 3:252.
  21. Kelcy, Letters of Peter and Jude, 162; Tord Fornberg, An Early Church in a Pluralistic Society: A Study of 2 Peter, trans. Jean Gray (Sweden: Boktryckeri, 1977), 22; Krienke, “Remnant, Leave,” 252.
  22. Bauckham, Jude, 2 Peter, 333.
  23. Earl J. Richard, Reading 1 Peter, Jude, and 2 Peter: A Literary and Theological Commentary (Macon, GA: Smyth, 2000), 390.
  24. Johnson, Writings of the New Testament, 443-44; Richard, Reading 1 Peter, Jude, and 2 Peter, 388; Neyrey, 2 Peter, Jude, 250.
  25. Harry Y. Gamble, The New Testament Canon: Its Making and Meaning (Philadelphia, PA: Fortress, 1985), 13.
  26. King McCarver, “Why are These Books in the Bible? – New Testament” in God’s Word for Today’s World: The Biblical Doctrine of Scripture, Don Jackson, et al. (Kosciusko, MS: Magnolia Bible College, 1986), 89.
  27. Gamble, New Testament Canon, 15-18; Hermann W. Beyer, “kanōn,” TDNT 3:596-602; BDAG 507-08; L&N 33.335, 80.2; H. G. Liddell, An Intermediate Greek-English Lexicon, Logos electronic ed. (Oak Harbor, WA: Logos Research Systems, Inc., 1996), 399.
  28. Gamble, New Testament Canon, 15; M-M 320.
  29. Gamble, New Testament Canon, 15.
  30. Richard N. Soulen and R. Kendall Soulen, Handbook of Biblical Criticism, 3rd ed. (Louisville, KY: WJK, 2001), 29.
  31. Cecil M. Robeck, Jr., “Canon, Regulae Fidei, and Continuing Revelation in the Early Church” in Church, Word, and Spirit:  Historical and Theological Essays in Honor of Geoffrey W. Bromiley, eds. James E. Bradley and Richard A. Muller (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1987), 70; Gamble, New Testament Canon, 16-17; Linda L. Belleville, “Canon of the New Testament” in Foundations for Biblical Interpretation, eds. David S. Dockery, et al. (Nashville, TN: Broadman, 1994), 375; Thomas D. Lea and David Alan Black, The New Testament: Its Background and Message, 2d ed. (Nashville, TN: Broadman, 2003), 70-71.
  32. Dowell Flatt, “Why Twenty Seven New Testament Books?” in Settled in Heaven:  Applying the Bible to Life, ed. David Lipe (Henderson, TN: Freed-Hardeman University Press, 1996), 138-40.
  33. Gamble, New Testament Canon, 23-56.
  34. Flatt, “Why Twenty Seven New Testament Books?” 139; James A. Brooks, Broadman Bible Commentary, ed. Clifton J. Allen (Nashville, TN: Broadman, 1969), 8:18-21.
  35. Paul L. Maier, trans. Eusebius: The Church History – A New Translation with Commentary (Grand Rapids, MI: Kregel, 1999), 127.
  36. Alan Millard, Reading and Writing in the Time of Jesus (Sheffield, England: Sheffield, 2001), 154-84.
  37. Flatt, “Why Twenty Seven New Testament Books?” 139; D. I. Lanslots, The Primitive Church: The Church in the Days of the Apostles (1926; repr., Rockford, IL: Tan, 1980), 102-09.
  38. Kurt Aland, “The Problem of Anonymity and Pseudonymity in Christian Literature of the First Two Centuries,” JTS 12 (1961): 47.
  39. McCarver, “Why are These Books in the Bible?” 88; Kistemaker, “The Canon of the New Testament,” JETS 20 (1977): 13.
  40. Gamble, New Testament Canon, 24-56.
  41. Montague Rhodes James, trans., The Apocryphal New Testament (Oxford: Clarendon, 1969), xii-xxii.
  42. Gamble, New Testament Canon, 28-34, 44-46.
  43. Aland, “The Problem of Anonymity,” 47.
  44. Robeck, “Canon, Regulae Fidei, and Continuing Revelation,” 72-74.
  45. Robeck, “Canon, Regulae Fidei, and Continuing Revelation,” 75-86.
  46. Robeck, “Canon, Regulae Fidei, and Continuing Revelation,” 50-53.
  47. Maier, Eusebius, 115.
  48. Gamble, New Testament Canon, 53.
  49. Gamble, New Testament Canon, 54.
  50. Gamble, New Testament Canon, 54.
  51. Gamble, New Testament Canon, 55.
  52. Frederick F. Bruce, The Books and the Parchments: Some Chapters on the Transmission of the Bible, 3rd ed. (Westwood, NJ: Revell, 1963), 200.
  53. Kistemaker, “The Canon of the New Testament,” 13.
  54. Kistemaker, “The Canon of the New Testament,” 13; McCarver, “Why are These Books in the Bible?” 88-90; Flatt, “Why Twenty Seven New Testament Books?” 140-42.
  55. Kistemaker, “The Canon of the New Testament,” 13.
  56. Robert E. Picirilli, “Allusions to 2 Peter in the Apostolic Fathers,” JSNT 33 (1988): 58-74.
  57. E. Randolph Richards, “The Codex and the Early Collection of Paul’s Letters,” BBR 8 (1998): 155-62.
  58. Picirilli, “Allusions to 2 Peter,” 57-83.
  59. J. B. Lightfoot and J. R. Harmer, trans., The Apostolic Fathers, 2d edition, ed. Michael W. Holmes (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker, 2000), 25.
  60. Lightfoot and Harmer, Apostolic Fathers, 65-67.
  61. Picirilli, “Allusions to 2 Peter,” 60-61.
  62. Lightfoot and Harmer, Apostolic Fathers33.
  63. Bauckham, Jude, 2 Peter, 218.
  64. Bauckham, Jude, 2 Peter, 242.
  65. Picirilli, “Allusions to 2 Peter,” 60-61.
  66. Picirilli, “Allusions to 2 Peter,” 60.
  67. Picirilli, “Allusions to 2 Peter,” 74-77.
  68. Guthrie, Introduction, 810-11.
  69. Michael J. Gilmour, “Reflections on the Authorship of 2 Peter,” EvQ 73 (2001): 298-99.
  70. Gilmour, “Authorship of 2 Peter,” 299.
  71. Picirilli, “Allusions to 2 Peter,” 75.
  72. McCarver, “Why are These Books in the Bible?” 88.
  73. Richards, “The Codex and the Early Collection,” 155-66.
  74. McCarver, “Why are These Books in the Bible?” 88.
  75. Richards, “The Codex and the Early Collection,” 158-59.
  76. Richards, “The Codex and the Early Collection,” 156.
  77. Richards, “The Codex and the Early Collection,” 161.
  78. Richards, “The Codex and the Early Collection,” 161.
  79. Richards, “The Codex and the Early Collection,” 159-62.
Continue reading “Canonization of Scripture and 2 Peter 3:15-16”

The Widows church of Christ

Reprinted from the December 2015 issue of Gospel Advocate Magazine.

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When I was a younger preacher looking for opportunities to preach and teach, I helped a congregation which was, to my surprise, exclusively comprised of widows. The “Widows church of Christ” (as I shall call them) taught me a great deal about fidelity to God’s Word in the face of a temptation to do otherwise.

It had never crossed my mind that I would stumble upon an all woman congregation. My assumption that there would always be mix-gender congregations was completely shattered. I’m glad.

My first reaction, I must admit, was arrogant. “Poor brethren, you have no leaders.” I had forgotten that still they had the Lord, the Apostolic Word. They had different talents and skills to be used on behalf of the Lord (1 Cor 12; Rom 12). They still gathered in His name, communed at the table of the Lord, gave of their financial means, offered the fruit of their lips. They were still the blood-bought body of Christ (Eph 1:22-23; Col 1:18; Acts 20:28). They still had the responsibility to bring the gospel to the world (Mark 16:15-16; Matt 28:18-20).

I Asked a Question

I asked a sister why they invited male preachers to teach and preach when they could minister the word to themselves. After all, Scripture shows that Christian women prophesied and prayed in New Testament times (1 Cor 11:5; Acts 22:8-9), taught the Word of God accurately (Acts 18:26), and brought people to salvation (2 Tim 1:5; 3:14-15). Christian women also served one another in many diverse ways (1 Tim 5:2; Tit 2:3-5; Acts 9:36-43).

Too, Christian women were patrons, fellow workers for the truth, and “house church” hostesses (Rom 16:1-16), demonstrating that there is not a ministry our sisters cannot participate in (Acts 8). There are many sisters in the Lord mentioned throughout the New Testament as servants of God, evangelistic collaborators, and financiers. To say it in another way, Christian women can minister the gospel to the world without hindrance.

She responded, “Because the men are to lead prayers and preach God’s Word in the assembly.” She further explained, “We do have our own Bible study together as sisters during the week, but on Sundays we plan for visitors. We respect God’s plan for the worship assembly.”

This was a reference to 1 Tim 2:8-15, and the Apostle Paul’s instructions for prayers and teaching in the public assembly. In fact, the phrase, “in every place” (en panti topō 2:8) is a New Testament shorthand for “in every place of assembly.” In the assembly, Paul emphasizes “the preservation of male and female distinctions” by providing a “distinctive sphere” for Christian men and women to operate within.

In this setting, Christian “males” (Grk. andras) are to lead prayers on behalf of the body of Christ (2:8), provided they have a lifestyle consistent with godliness. Christian women are to “likewise” demonstrate godliness when assembled for prayer (2:9-10). Paul, then, adds the command that in the assembly Christian women “must learn in silence in full submission” (2:11). This does not suggest that she should check her brain in at the pew, nor is this a term that requires absolute silence. It simply explains her participation in the assembly as peaceful (2:2).

Paul goes on to explain, however, that a sister’s participation in the assembly is limited (2:12). He affirms, “I do not permit a woman” (1) “to teach” nor (2) “to have authority over a man.” Instead, she is “to be in silence” as an active learner (2:11). This instruction is explained (2:13 “for”) to be connected to the order of creation and the order of the fall along with its consequences (Gen 2-3), and a reminder of her demanding ministry towards her own godliness, her family and household (12-15).

Expanding the Role of Women

Although there is considerable literature centered on expanding the role of Christians sisters in the assembly beyond the above biblical dimensions, it was refreshing to see a group of sisters in Christ concerned with God’s guidelines for the worship assembly – even though they could have worshipped God among themselves.

It was a few years earlier that I had received a letter from a congregation where their elders unanimously offered “a position statement on the expanded role of women” in the congregation where they had oversight. They acknowledged that the “congregation’s thinking on this subject has been evolving for the past several years.” The letter outlines several roles where their sisters had evolved including teaching and co-teaching co-ed adult Bible classes, and Scripture reading in Sunday morning worship.

They further expressed their “intention to, in the near future, begin using women to serve the communion emblems, preside at the communion table and lead public prayers during the regular worship services.” They had not, at that moment, any intention to have “women as elders” and “women as pulpit ministers.”

One of the arguments used to sidestep the words of the Apostle Paul is that the text reads, “I do not permit”; hence, this verse does not represent “God’s law.” Far from it. The argument goes, that since he is “addressing a specific time and place with his statement” then Paul has no concern for providing “a law for all time.”

The question then becomes if the injunction by the Apostle is only valid when addressing the situation Paul is speaking to, and has no permanent place as God’s law for the church, then what about the other logical appendages to his argument? Is quietness a situational matter? Are the issues of holiness, modesty, self-control, learning in quietness merely situational and hence not of any permanent value because Paul writes, “I desire” (2:8) and “I do not permit” (2:12)? Or is it only the prohibitions which are situational (“I do not permit”)? If so, the positive statements in this text demand our sister’s presence in the assembly to be embraced with godliness, modesty and learning in quietness and submission. Or are these situational as well and therefore not God’s law?

The fact of the matter is that Paul ties this entire argument for the when the church assembles “in every place” to the events of creation, the order in which the first humans were made, and the admission of Eve being deceived. The weakness is not in Paul’s argumentation, nor in his use of “I.” The weakness lies with a hermeneutic which circumvents the natural reading of the passage.

Concluding Thoughts

My brief stint with the good sister at The Widows church of Christ was a powerful reminder that we can be faithful to God’s inspired texts regarding our gender roles in the assembly. My good sister showed me that faithfulness in the face of a difficult and complicated ministry was possible. Furthermore, they did not sell their building and go elsewhere; instead, they remained in the town, “because,” as she concluded, “the Lord’s body needs to be here.” God bless our sisters who are convicted to maintain their godly roles in the assembly and participate in so many amazing and unsung ministries.

Jovan Payes preaches for the Highland Church of Christ in Bakersfield, Calif.

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Philippians 4:10-13: Exegesis and Syntax

college papers

The writing of a letter in ancient times was a special thing, yet it seems the estimation of what a letter is has escaped the modern person.[1] In an age where communication is as instant as the punch of a button, at text, or a voice-to-text there appears to be as E. Randolph Richards observes:

a struggle to understand how much a handwritten letter, which was already weeks old, meant to the reader. Although usually battered from the journey, such letters did more than just bring news; one could almost feel the warmth of the hand that wrote it and the sound of the voice that spoke it.[2]

Letters are not cold mechanical communiques. Charles B. Cousar mentions how letters “are always sent as surrogates for a visit,”[3] and usually in ancient times the trusted courier (“emissary”) would also “supplement” the written message with an oral greeting from the sender.[4] The arrival of a letter and a message was, therefore, a joyous occasion (Phil 2:19).

Adapting the letter for church use was, therefore, natural and ingenious.[5] The Philippian letter then, being a product of an ancient letter society, is not necessarily unique so far as its general composition is concerned;[6] however, it is inherently valuable because it is inspired instruction (2 Tim 3:16-17).[7] It allowed the apostle Paul to make his presence felt so that he might personally address a few matters (Phil 2:12). It also gave him a platform to reconnect with his beloved Philippians, those who always supported him in his ministry (Phil 1:5, 4:15).

It is this last thought which forms the focus of this study. In Philippians 4:10-13, Paul acknowledges the gift from this Macedonian congregation. Yet, this “thank you” memo quickly turns into an opportunity to stress a spiritual perspective which he himself had to learn, and one which he desperately desires them to learn: the source of strength to do the humanly impossible does not come from within, it comes from above.

This is an important lesson for the church to reflect upon. There is a temptation to derive strength from within. There is also something unnerving to surrender oneself over to the strengthening influence of an invisible God when in the presence of visible and tangible problems. We can only transcend our surroundings through God.

Background and Context

Philippians 4:10-13 follows after the paraenetic section[8] of Philippians (3:1-4:9), where despite some harsh words regarding false teachers, he encourages the Philippian church to forebear through joy and peace.[9] Handley Moule agrees noting, “the directly didactic message of the Epistle is now over and he turns to the personal topic of the alms, for himself and his work, received through Epaphroditus from Philippi.”[10] There is a hint at the beginning of the letter regarding the longevity of their support of Paul (1:3-7), but nothing explicit regarding a recent “gift” until 4:10-20 of which only verses 10-13 will be discussed below.

Letter writing often, revelation notwithstanding, was usually mitigated at the knowledge of an associate traveling.[11] Epaphroditus had arrived from Philippi, but after recovering from an illness Paul sends him with  Timothy to Philippi (2:19-30). It is without doubt that one of Paul’s purposes for the letter is to express thanksgiving for the gift he has received.[12] This created the reason for the letter.

Yet, if grattitude was one of the main reasons for ne of Paul’s reasons for sending the letter being to thank the brethren at Philippi, “it seems strange,” as Donald Guthrie writes:

on a first reading that Paul should conclude by a reference to the Philippians’ revived concern for him. It almost savours [sic] of ingratitude to be so casual about it. And yet he may have had a purpose in postponing until the end the mention of the Philippians’ gifts.[13]

Indeed, placement of some vocabulary within Paul’s section of thanksgiving has made this passage subject of much discussion.

First, it must be noted that the thanksgiving for the gift should not be viewed as the sole reason for the letter, since the letter has other specific areas that it addresses. Archibald T. Robertson suggests that Paul “seemed about to forget it in his eager discussion of other things and so he checked himself before it was too late.”[14] But again, there is no reason to treat Paul as “the absent minded apostle,” for the unity of the letter is sound.

In fact, there is an interesting parallel between “the important verbal parallels between thanksgiving (1:3-11) and the closing note of thanks (4:10-20),”[15] demonstrating a planned arrangement consistent with epistolary composition.[16] Epistolary productions were not a haphazard endeavor, there was a process from draft to final copy.[17] Gordon Fee observes that the gratitude section’s “placement at the end of the letter is most likely due to the combined influence of orality and Pauline rhetoric.”[18]

Second, Paul’s appreciation is sometimes regarded as savoring “of ingratitude to be so casual about it”; moreover, Gerald Hawthorne refers to this section as “this so-called ‘thank you’ section, since Paul does not use the verb eucharistein (‘to thank’ someone for something).”[19] But, as Gerald Peterman demonstrates, some scholars approach this issue “without taking cognizance of first century social conventions related to gratitude.”[20]

These conventions demonstrate that the use of eucharistein was inappropriate among intimate friends,[21] that instead of a verbal (i.e. written) thank you a material one of some kind was rendered, and that verbal gratitude “is an expression of debt or of one’s intention to repay.”[22] It is interesting that Paul promises God will repay the Philippians for their troubles (Phil 4:19). Consequently, the Philippian letter is in “keeping with the thankless thanks practiced in the first century Graeco-Roman [sic] world.”[23] Peterman’s observations, however, have not swayed all students of this letter.

Exegesis of Philippians 4:10-13

10 | I rejoiced in the Lord greatly that now at length you have revived your concern for me. You were indeed concerned for me, but you had no opportunity.[24]

The postpositive de is often omitted in English translations and in general it may be of minor importance since it is one of the weakest of connective conjunctions; however, the fact that it is a conjunction demonstrates that what Paul says here is related to what is previously stated. In other words, de is transitional here,[25] and its importance is Paul rhetorically demonstrating that he had not forgotten to show his thanksgiving of the Philippians.[26]

Alfred Plummer expands the de and translates the particle as “but I must not omit,”[27] and suggests that this “indicates that something has just occurred to him. He has been meaning to say it, but might have forgotten. The de looks back to vv. 4-9, or perhaps earlier. ‘I have been exhorting you to rejoice and to imitate me: so I must thank you for making me rejoice.’”[28] Paul’s “words have to be read in the light of the deep mutual affection existing between him and the Philippian church and in the light of his well-attested financial policy.”[29]

Echaren,[30] I rejoice, is the aorist passive indicative verb (chairo, “I rejoice” and “I am glad”). The word here basically expresses a “state of happiness and wellbeing.”[31] There is a complication regarding how chairo should be taken here, made evident by two renditions of echaren. The ESV renders chairo in the present force “I rejoice” (ASV, TEV, NIV, RSV, JB, NEB, NET); however, other translations render chairo with its aorist tense expressed “I was glad” (KJV, NKJV, ASV fn., NASU, FHV).

On the main, chairo is rendered as an epistolary aorist, which “is most often found in letters where there is a time gap between writing and reading”; furthermore:

As a courtesy to the reader, the writer adopts the time perspective of the reader, which is different from his own. He uses the aorist tense to describe an event which is present or future for him but which will be in the past by the time the reader receives the letter. Since there is no such idiom in English, such aorists are usually translated by using the present or future tense.[32]

While the epistolary aorist[33] makes sense, the aorist aspect of the verb[34] also makes perfect contextual sense.[35] Taking the aorist naturally, the apostle would be referring to the joy he experienced when he received the “care package” sent by the Philippians through Epaphroditus (Phil 1:5, 7; 2:25, 30; 4:18). Nevertheless, despite the plausibility of this latter translation, there is nothing requiring the interpreter to exclude the syntactical for the idiomatic association, and vice versa.[36] With this in mind, either take on the aorist verb makes sense, and this ambiguity only allows us to specifically regard Paul’s great joy as being initiated by the entire Philippian exchange.[37]

The phrase en kurio megalos, in the Lord greatly, appears to be as vivid a conception as it is unique. Albrecht Oepke observes that en kurio is a formula that is “not found prior to Paul” and is “rare outside the Pauline corpus.”[38] In fact, Oepke speculates that not only is this formula “peculiar to Paul,” but that such constructions perhaps find origin with him. The phrase en kurio “characterizes an activity or state as Christian.”[39] The activity, which is particularly a Christian activity, is the joy Paul is experiencing (Phil 4:10). Hans Conzelmann suggests that en kurio has “ecclesiological significance” since it is the sphere of this unique Christian joy.[40] This significance is seen in its eschatological emphasis as well; this latter sense is seen here in Paul’s joy, as he looks forward to the heavenly account from which the Philippians will reap spiritual dividends (Phil 4:17-20). Furthermore, Paul’s unique experience of Christian joy is enhanced by the adverb megalos, greatly, and cannot be contextually understood apart from it. When Paul rejoiced, the location of his joy was nowhere else active, aside from it being in the Lord.

The reason for such a joy was that now at length (hoti ede pote) the Philippians had revived concern for (anethalete to huper emou phronein) Paul. The expression hoti ede pote provides great insight into the mind of the Philippians, and into Paul’s knowledge of their activities. The phrase ede pote should be taken to mean, “that after so long a time you again were in a position to show […] to be in a state identical to a previous state.”[41] The “previous state” is the concern (to huper phronein) regarding Paul’s situation. Against Guthrie,[42] this does not appear to be an indictment, for anethalete (second aorist, active indicative, 2nd person, plural) as it means here, “you caused to rekindle,” demonstrates Paul’s awareness that after so long a time the Philippians had a moment to finally act out on their concern (phronein). This is more apparent in connection with imperfect verbs ephroneite and ekaireisthe later addressed.

The Philippian concern for the Apostle is more evident with the following vocabulary – to huper emou phronein– which the ESV translates your concern for me. They had, as Paul understands them, “caused to rekindle your thoughts on behalf of myself.” The expression to huper emou phronein[43] should most definitely be translated as a unit, taking the articular infinitive and the huper emou construction, to express the overarching idea that Paul was a major concern for the Philippians.[44] They were prepared to act on his behalf when the opportunity presented itself again, and the arrival of Epaphroditus demonstrates that such an avenue arose.[45] “I know that had there been a earlier moment for you to continue caring for my well being, you would have done so. Despite how much time had lapsed since you last helped me, you acted instantaneously,” is probably closest in sentiment to Paul here.[46]

The phrase eph’ ho kai, literally “upon which also,” refers back to what the Philippians were already concerned for (ephroneite); thus, the ESV translates eph’ (from epi) ho kai ephroneite as You were indeed concerned for me. The syntactical construction of the text makes a literal rendering into English somewhat awkward, however, a literal rendering of the text would result this alternative, “upon which also you had concern.” The ESV rendering retains the emphasis upon the Philippian concern for Paul, as it inserts for me, and also completes the thought in English by providing a direct object for the verb to act towards.[47] Still, the Imperfect Active Indicative 2nd person plural ephroneite, also from phroneo, rendered here, as you were concerned, fills in the chronological blanks which ede pote creates, because the latter expression implicitly suggests a lapse in time before the Philippians could revive their concern. The imperfect active indicative form of phroneo suggests continued action in the past; consequently, the picture Paul elaborately canvasses is that despite the long duration which had elapsed, the Philippian congregation’s actual concern and meditation remained constant demonstrated by this most recent financial fellowship.[48] The point is: they had never forgotten the Apostle Paul whether in action or in thought, and Paul knew it![49]

Paul again reaffirms his understanding of the situation that circumscribed the Philippians’ gift, and tells them but I know that you had no opportunity (ekaireisthe de). The transitional particle de here moves from the long-standing concern (ephroneite), to the long-standing vacuum of opportunity (ekaireisthe) to send some assistance to Paul. You had no opportunity derives from the imperfect, middle deponent, indicative, 2nd person plural verb form of akaireomai, meaning “to have no time”[50] or “to not have a favorable opportunity to do something […], to have no chance.”[51] Placing the nature of this verb in the imperfect tense, Paul details a parallel picture with ephroneite; whereas, the Philippians always had Paul on their minds, here ekaireisthe shows the Philippians suffered with the dual issue that they had no convenient moment to act out their good will towards the apostle. Robertson suggests possibly that ekaireisthe could mean, “lacked means,”[52] but akaireomai[53] is a “temporal” verb;[54] consequently, the only “means” that was lacking for them was a point in time to assist Paul.[55]

Only speculation can approximate what the hindrance was which limited the Philippians’ gift(s). Bruce suggests Paul requested the lengthy temporal retardation of financial assistance.[56] Hawthorne postulates that “time” refers to unfavorable weather conditions and a lack in traveling funds, setting up a barricade through which the Philippians could not penetrate.[57] Martin also extrapolates that perhaps there was no time available to the Philippians because of their poverty, but also speculates that Paul may have been in an “inaccessible place.”[58] Martin’s appraisal of the situation seems much far more compelling than the rest, but since there is insufficient testimony regarding why the delay, the issue must be left open.

11 | Not that I am speaking of being in need, for I have learned in whatever situation I am to be content.

Paul moves from expressing his understanding of the historical background behind the Philippian gift, where he assures them that he understands their plight, to describing his own situation. Not that I am speaking of being in need (oux hoti kath’ husteresin lego),[59] demonstrates that Paul is making a clarification of some kind. In light of the Philippians’ concern for Paul, perhaps they had let their imagination get the better of them. Thus, when Epaphroditus met with Paul, this hyper-concern was revealed to Paul as a major impetus for the gift (1:12-14), so he clarifies that he is not in such dyer straights as they perhaps had thought. From grammatical considerations, it appears that Paul is explaining that (hoti) his joy, which he is speaking about (cf. lego),[60] is not the result from being in need (kath’ husteresin) when he received the gift. Instead, kath’, from kata, with the accusative singular husteresin, demonstrates that Paul affirms that the void which the gift was to fill was neither (oux) consistent, nor the reason,[61] for his joy. This seems odd since Paul uses the word husteresin, rendered as need in the ESV, which means, “the condition of lacking that which is essential” and “want in general, or poverty.”[62] It is taken here that Paul is not denying that he is in “an impoverished situation” (husteresin),[63] but instead he is elevating his joy in the Lord and denying that it was only inaugurated by receiving the a physical gift.

As noted above, Paul’s joy is the result of spiritual reflection as he looked upon the Christian fortitude demonstrated by the Philippian congregation.[64] His joy is in the Lord, not in the gift, which alleviated his “impoverished situation.” This is later demonstrated in 4:17, when he affirms, “Not that I seek the gift, but I seek the fruit that increases to your credit,” which is later expressed as being credited in the form of God’s care (cf. 4:19).[65] U. Wilckens notes that Paul’s joy “is not the joy of a poor person whose needs has been met”;[66] instead, as Gromacki observes Paul was “more grateful for the givers than for the gifts,” and as Vine concludes, “What they had sent he regarded not as so much relief, though that is was, but as a token of their spiritual prosperity.”[67] Paul’s joy is Christian in scope, and breaks away from being an “intrinsically […] secular term” as it is colored by the inspired Apostle to connote a joy that results from spiritual insight.[68]

Martin suggests that 4:11b to 4:13 is a parenthetical section, amplifying Paul’s meaning of his joy, labeling it as an “impressive statement of his ‘contentment.’”[69] The connections between 4.10-13 appear to go against Martin’s suggestion, since Paul moves from his “joy” (v. 10) towards an explanation on how he has arrived at this unique joy (vv. 11-13). Paul eventually reveals how, naming his empowering source for this joy as God (4:13); consequently, Martin’s parenthetical break appears to be unnecessary and possibly inconsistent with Paul’s thought processes. Since Paul denies that his joy stems from the gift within itself, for (gar) serves to prepare his readers’ mind for the true source of his joy. The apostle frankly admits I have learned (ego emathon). The verbal construction is emphatic, meaning “I myself found out (learned the secret).” Emathon, 2nd aorist active indicative, 1st person singular form of manthano,[70] which is a somewhat complex word, carrying three basic meanings, but contextually denotes coming “to a realization, with implications of taking place less through instruction than through experience or practice” and “reflection.”[71] Martin suggests that the aorist tense implies that “the lesson he learnt came to him in a moment of time”;[72] but, against this ambiguous evaluation of the aorist in this context, is Plummer, Robertson, Gromacki, and Hawthorne. Plummer suggests that this is a Greek idiom where the aorist, is better understood in the English perfect,[73] which corroborates with Robertson’s claim that it is a “timeless aorist” to be taken as a “constative aorist and sums up all the life of Paul as one experience.”[74] More likely, emathon “views all of his learning experiences as a whole.”[75]

The seasoned imprisoned apostle (1:7; 2 Cor 11:16-29) is sharing a spiritual pearl of wisdom, to which all ears must listen should they desire the joy he experiences; but, what he is sharing took time for even him to understand.[76] He explains that what he has learned allows him, in whatever situation (en hois) to be content (autarkes einai). The phrase, I am to be content (eimi autarkes einai) is emphatic, demonstrated by the two present active “be” verbs (eimi, “I am”; einai, “I am to be”) working together to underscore Paul’s own personal interaction with whatever situation may come his way. There is a tremendous personal emphasis made on the part of the apostle, that “he himself” learned that “he himself” must be content. No one else can do this for Paul, and no one can do it for the concerned mature Christian.

What then does Paul mean when he uses the word contentment? Contentment comes from autarkes, meaning, “pertaining to being happy or content with what one has – ‘[…] content with the circumstances in which one exists.’”[77] Moulton and Milligan have several examples of autarkes, “but” as they caution they are “only in the simple sense of ‘enough’”;[78] however, the non-literary papyri demonstrate that autarkes was employed to express “sufficiency” as in the example ton autarke keramon, translated “a sufficient number of jars.”[79] Furthermore, agreeing with Kennedy’s discussion of the philosophical usage of autarkes,[80] Moulton and Milligan express that “the [nonliterary papyri] record lends some emphasis to the Pauline use of the word in the philosophic sense of ‘self-sufficient, contented’ […] Paul could use the technical words of thinkers in their own way.”[81] Philosophically, G. Kittel observes, it carries the idea of a person who became “independent […] sufficient to himself and in need of none else”; distinctly Christian however, the word takes on the meaning of “capacity for external contentment and privation.”[82]

When Paul says, “I myself found out (learned the secret) that under whatever circumstances I myself am to be content (self-sufficient),” he is explaining why he is not rejoicing principally because of the gift. The gift within itself added nothing, from a spiritual vantage point, to Paul’s existence because he already had the mind set that he had everything necessary to exist –God (4:13, 19). Whereas “the pagan virtue is self-made, the Christian [virtue] rests upon God, [and] on his provident love and care.”[83] W. Barclay writes that the philosophical background of autarkes, promoted self-sufficiency, but Paul was God-sufficient.[84] The point in this passage is similar to that found in 2 Corinthians 1:9, where Paul says, “we felt that we had received the sentence of death. But that was to make us rely not on ourselves but on God who raises the dead” (ESV cf. 2 Cor 3:5).[85] In light of Paul’s imprisonment, his words are astounding:

Though deprived of every comfort, and cast as a lonely man on the shores of the great strange metropolis, with every movement of his clanking a fetter, and nothing before him but the lion’s mouth or the sword, he speaks serenely of contentment.[86]

“Paul could face anything, because in every situation he had Christ; the man who walks Christ can cope with anything.”[87] Mature Christians need to learn from this to “change what ought to be changed for the better. What cannot be cured has to be endured.”[88]

12 | I know how to be brought low, and I know how to abound. In any and every circumstance, I have learned the secret of facing plenty and hunger, abundance and need.

What comes next in the text are extremes which Paul lists to demonstrate what he has experienced, and there is a hint of implication that these are the lands of existence Paul pilgrimage through to learn his lesson of how to obtain Christian joy through Christian contentment. Paul employs oida twice in this passage, being a perfect active tense verb that has a present active tense meaning,[89] 1st person singular form related to ginosko, “I know.” The word means, “to have the knowledge as to how to perform a particular activity or to accomplish some goal,”[90] and in this context is employed to demonstrate Paul’s first had knowledge as to “how” to perform “not only”[91] (kai) when he is brought low (tapeinousthai) “but also” (kai) when he abounds (perisseuein). This is a sample of Paul’s defining experiences that helped him see the joy and contentment that God had been revealing to him.

Paul declares I know how to be brought low (oida kai tapeinousthai), which is the same as saying that Paul had expertise gained through experience (cf. manthano 4.11) on how to focus on the essentials when he was “subject to strict discipline” where constrainment and mortification was his reality (tapeinousthai).[92] Guthrie is right when he writes, “‘Abased or abounding’ fairly sums up the natural alternatives.”[93] Tapeinousthai is the present passive infinitive of tapeinoo, coupling the perfect-present tense of oida, Paul composes the idea that he had from the past learning, experience, and coping with being brought low, and after a history with this he could now say that I can perform if he was left to undergo such difficult circumstances. Moreover, he adds and I know how to abound (oida kai tapeinousthai), where perisseuein is the present active infinitive, of perisseuo, meaning to “have an abundance.”[94] Consequently, Paul is addressing his history of circumstance where he considered himself rich and states that he knows what it takes to be “an abundance” maker. However, should he go that route in life, Paul learned in whatever situation he was in to be content (4:11), which is Paul point here as he uses tapeinoo and perisseuo as his conflicting motifs.

With in any and every circumstance (en panti kai en pasin), Paul further develops how significant the extent of his joy making contentment. There is no circumstance, from Paul’s mind, that can shake his Christian deportment. No matter what, Paul has the disposition that he can smile in the face of adversity.[95] Besides disclosing that he had learned (ego emathon), or had an experiential knowledge regarding contentment, he now states I have learned the secret of facing plenty (memuemai, kai chortazesthai). Memuemai is the perfect passive indicative form of mueo, meaning, “to learn the secret of something through personal experience or as the result of initiation.”[96] This is somewhat a synonymous phrase, but there appears to be difference as Bruce suggests a more esoteric concept, “I have been initiated” by God.[97] Due to the perfect tense, the verb embraces two time periods at the exact same time – the past and the present. Here, the ESV rendering is a precisely vivid, and the message is this: Paul has had this secret with him for quite some time, and it because of its proven worth, it is still a faithful principle upon Paul builds his life.

Paul recounts his experience with plenty and hunger (kai chortazesthai kai peinan), and with abundance and need (perisseuein kai hustepeisthai), and affirms that he lived through them with Christian joy as his compass. These are four interesting present infinitive verbs, placed in two contrasting formulas, and connected by four consecutive kai’s:

  • kai chortazesthai (present passive infinitive): and to be filled with food
  • kai peinan (present active infinitive): and to hunger
  • kai perisseuein (present active infinitive): and to have abundance
  • kai hustepeisthai  (present passive infinitive): and to be made deficient

Another aspect of these contrasts is that one verb from each contrasting set is a passive verb; meanwhile, the other verb is an active verb. Aside from the any revelatory intentionality regarding the text, it hardly seems accidental that these are placed in this quadra-kai construction, or that a shift voice shift exists in each set. Perhaps Paul is touching on items the Philippians were concerned about, but what is definite is the case Paul is building regarding Christian joy stemming from spiritual contentment. This is the knowledge which he has been initiated into and which he wishes to share with his beloved brethren.[98]

Before considering these two sets as individual paradigms of what Paul can face, because of the experience he has with such matters, one line of thought needs to be evaluated. This is the nature of the quadrakai construction. Lenski observes this quadrakai construction, and takes them to mean “both – as well as” in each case.[99] This seems reasonable, and makes perfect sense; thus, it is suggested that the quadrakai construction must not be ignored in the interpretation of this section. First, Paul says that he has the secret to face both plenty as well as hunger (kai). Chortazesthai is the present passive infinitive of chortazo, I “fill with food,”[100] meaning here, “to be filled with food”; thus, what Paul is referring to is be satiated with food.[101] The verb peinan, the present active infinitive form of peinao, means “hunger” and serves as the exact opposite of chortazo, meaning here “to feel the pangs of lack of food.”[102]

Second, Paul says that he has the secret to face both abundance as well as need (kai perisseuein kai hustepeisthai). Perisseuein is the present active infinitive verb form of perisseuo, meaning as noted above to “have an abundance.”[103] Opposing perisseuo, the verb hustepeisthai is employed by Paul to accentuate these two antithetical words. Hustepeisthai, the present passive infinitive of hustepreo, denotes here “to experience deficiency in something advantageous or desirable.”[104] These contrasts are interesting, because they are usually things that one would not necessarily view as dangerous, particularly the positive ideas of “satiation” (chortazesthai) and abundance (perisseuein); however, each group Paul mentions can be dangerous.[105] Paul then uses these contrasts that can be used to describe the majority of life, and moves into what he really wants to tell the Philippians – the one that empowers me through these difficult times is God; consequently, I cannot but feel joy and contentment.

13 | I can do all things through him who strengthens me.

Paul has finally prepared his readers in Philippi for better absorption of this next point, I can do all things (panta iskuo). G. Kittel makes the observation that “panta iskuo (v.13) seems to be fully identical with the philosophical autarkes en panti […] Yet the root is en to endunamounti.[106] Kittel suggests that while the philosophers depended upon their own empowering volition, the Christian has God as their empowering presence. The word iskuo, is the present active indicative, 1st person singular verb which means, “I am strong,” or having the “requisite personal resources to accomplish” a task.[107] Self-sufficiency only makes sense to the Christian if God is the empowering agent that the Christian has to make them self-sufficient. Paul in the Colossian letter explains it in this fashion, “giving thanks to the Father, who has qualified you to share in the inheritance of the saints in light” (Col 1:12).

That is why Paul affirms strongly that he can do all things through him who strengthens me (en to endunamounti me). The phrase endunamounti me, having the dative masculine singular, present active participle, of endunamao, means, “to cause one to be able to function or do something” (i.e., strengthen).[108] Here, the participle in association with me should be understood as “the one who strengthens me.”

Some would argue that Paul is vague and makes no explicit claim as to who is “the one who strengthens” him. However, the context shows that “the one who strengthens” Paul is the Lord. We have argued elsewhere that contextually, “the one who strengthens me” (4:13b) goes back to the presence of Jesus (“in the Lord”) in 4:10a and it is obvious that this is Paul’s intended meaning, even though it is not Paul’s words.[109] 

As Hendrickson words it, “The Lord is for Paul the Fountain of Wisdom, encouragement, and energy, actually infusing strength into him for every need.”[110] God is the enabler (endunamounti), through Whom Paul can face the trials of life with a smile (2 Cor 12:9-10).[111]

With these observations in hand, it is important to state a limitation to this Scripture. It is often thought that Paul’s words offer limitless promise; however, the “do all things” is best conceived of as “endure all things.” It is that Paul has learned the Christian secret that he can endure all the challenges thus far because the Lord empowers him to endure which is at the heart of this passage.

To illustrate this point, missionary Gary Reaves shares an interesting anecdote:

Once in a class at Freed-Hardeman University, my professor, Dowell Flatt, brought a scroll of papyrus to class to show us what some of the New Testament was written on. Out of nowhere he asked, “Rusty, can you see this scroll?” It is important to know that Rusty is blind.

For a moment he teased Rusty saying, “What’s the matter, if your faith was stronger you could see this… well I guess you just need to pray harder.” Then, he began the most fascinating discourse on Philippians 4.13 I had ever heard.

So often people convey a message that you can do everything through Christ who strengthens you; you can do it! But can you really do everything?[112]

No, Paul’s words are a not a limitless billboard promise that in Christ we an do anything. Some things are not subject to being done. However, they do stress that in Christ all of life’s circumstances can be endured in anticipation of gaining the hope Christ offers.

Endnotes

  1. Davis discusses the practical value of the ancient papyrus sheet upon which letters were written. See W. Hersey Davis. Greek Papyri of the First Century: Introduction, Greek Text, English Translation, Commentary, Notes (repr., Chicago, IL: Ares, 1933), xx.
  2. E. Randolph Richards, Paul and First-Century Letter Writing: Secretaries, Composition and Collection (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2004), 13.
  3. Charles B. Cousar, The Letters of Paul (Nashville, TN: Abingdon, 1996), 30; Richard N. Longenecker, “On the Form, Function, and Authority of the New Testament Letters,” Scripture and Truth, eds. D. A. Carson and John D. Woodbridge (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 1983), 101-02, 104.
  4. Jerome Murphy-O’Connor, Paul the Letter-Writer: His World, His Options, His Skills (Collegeville, PA: Liturgical Press, 1995), 39.
  5. Sidney Greidanus, The Modern Preacher and the Ancient Text: Interpreting and Preaching Biblical Literature (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2003), 312.
  6. Harry Y. Gamble, The New Testament Canon: Its Making and Meaning (Philadelphia, PA: Fortress, 1985), 13; William G. Doty, Letters in Primitive Christianity (Philadelphia, PA: Fortress, 1988), 18; Richard N. Longenecker, “Ancient Amanuenses and the Pauline Epistles,” New Dimensions in New Testament Study, eds. Richard N. Longenecker and Merrill C. Tenney (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 1974), 283.
  7. Longenecker, “On the Form,” 101.
  8. Paraenesis is the “Greek word for ‘advice.’ Ethical, edifying material, often associated with moral instruction or preaching” (Doty, Letters in Primitive Christianity, 83); Richard N. Soulen and R. Kendall Soulen, Handbook of Biblical Criticism, 3rd rev. and expanded ed. (Louisville, KY: WJK, 2001), 132-33.
  9. Richard N. Longenecker catalogues Philippians as a pastoral letter, “conveying the apostolic presence, teaching, and authority” and thus as a pastoral letter it would have been “read widely in the churches (cf. their salutations and such verses as Col 4:16; 1 Thess 5:27). Yet as letters arising from a particular situation and speaking to that situation, their message was more circumstantially than systematically delivered. They are not tractate- or essay letters. They are real letters dealing pastorally with issues then current, and they must be interpreted accordingly” (“On the Form,” 104).
  10. Handley C. G. Moule, Studies in Philippians (1893; repr., Grand Rapids, MI: Kregel, 1977), 116.
  11. Murphy-O’Connor, Paul the Letter-Writer, 40.
  12. William Hendrickson, Exposition of Philippians (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker, 1962), 19.
  13. Donald Guthrie, Epistles from Prison: Philippians, Ephesians, Colossians, Philemon (New York, NY: Abingdon, 1964), 47.
  14. Archibald T. Robertson, Paul’s Joy in Christ: Studies in Philippians (New York, NY: Revell, 1917), 245-46.
  15. John D. Harvey, Listening to the Text: Oral Patterning in Paul’s Letters (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker, 1998), 245-46. Harvey demonstrates three particular parallels within the section under discussion: chairo (1:4; 4:10), huper with phroneo (1:7; 4:10), and perisseuo (1:9; 4:12). These parallels may not alone prove the unity case, but as Harvey demonstrates there is considerable evidence to show a literary relationship between 1:3-11 and 4:10-20 (246).
  16. E. Iliff Robson, “Composition and Dictation in New Testament Books,” JTS 18 (1917): 289-91; Gordon J. Bahr, “Paul and Letter Writing in the First Century,” CBQ 28 (1966): 470.
  17. Murphy-O’Connor, Paul the Letter-Writer, 8-16.
  18. Gordon D. Fee, To What End Exegesis? Essays Textual, Exegetical, and Theological (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2001), 284.
  19. Gerald F. Hawthorne, Philippians (Nashville, TN: Nelson, 1983), 195.
  20. Gerald W. Peterman, “‘Thankless Thanks’: The Epistolary Social Convention in Philippians 4:10-20,” TynB 42 (1991): 261.
  21. Fee, To What End Exegesis?, 283-87.
  22. Peterman, “‘Thankless Thanks,’” 264.
  23. Peterman, “‘Thankless Thanks,’” 270.
  24. All Scripture references are from the English Standard Version unless otherwise noted.
  25. Richard C. H. Lenski, The Interpretation of St. Paul’s Epistles to the Galatians, to the Ephesians, and to the Philippians (1937; repr., Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 2001), 886.
  26. Hawthorne, Philippians196.
  27. Alfred Plummer, A Commentary on St. Paul’s Epistle to the Philippians (London: Roxburghe, 1919), 100.
  28. Plummer, Epistle to the Philippians, 100.
  29. Frederick F. Bruce, Philippians (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 2002), 148.
  30. The Greek text underlying this discussion is The Greek New Testament (UBS4), 4th revised ed., eds. Barbara Aland, et al. (Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 2002).
  31. BDAG 1074.
  32. James A. Brooks and Carlton L. Winbery, Syntax of New Testament Greek (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1979), 102.
  33. Here are a few examples of the epistolary aorist within the Pauline corpus where it “is merely looking at the letter from the standpoint of the recipient” (Archibald T. Robertson and W. Hersey Davis, A New Short Grammar of the Greek New Testament, 10th ed. [Grand Rapids, MI: Baker, 1979], 296): (1) Tuchikos… hon epempsa pros humas: Tychicus whom I am sending to you (Col 4:7-8); (2) Ego Paulos egrapsa te eme cheiri: I, Paul, write (this) with my own hand (Philem 19); (3) anangkaion hegesamen Epaphroditon… pempsai pros humas: I consider (it to be) a necessary thing to send Epaphroditus to you (Phil 2:25). See also Brooks and Winbery, Syntax of New Testament Greek, 102.
  34. Hawthorne, Philippians, 196.
  35. This is possibly an aorist ingressive. Jacobus Johannes Müller, The Epistles of Paul to the Philippians and to Philemon (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1955), 145; Moule, Studies in Philippians, 116. However, Lenski argues that this is “a simple aorist of fact” (Philippians, 886).
  36. Müller, The Epistles of Paul to the Philippians and to Philemon, 145; J. Hugh. Michael, The Epistle of Paul to the Philippians (London: Hodder, 1928), 212; Hendrickson, Exposition of Philippians, 203.
  37. Robert G. Gromacki, Stand United in Joy: An Exposition of Philippians. (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker, 1980), 186. In addition, Robertson suggests that Paul’s joy stemmed from the difficulty the apostle experienced as he would often be supported by those he ministered to, he would often defend his right to receive support and at times he would be attacked from his lack or use of financial support. Since the Philippians supported him time and again, Robertson concludes, “He rejoiced in the church at Philippi because they trusted him and understood him. They gladly and frequently made contributions for the support of his work elsewhere” (Paul’s Joy in Christ, 246-47). Gromacki further contributes: “He rejoiced because God had met his need and because God had constrained the Philippians to give. This same principle was designed to encourage the Corinthians to participate in the welfare collection (2 Cor 9:11-13)” (Stand United in Joy, 186).
  38. Albrecht Oepke, “en,” TDNT 2:541.
  39. Oepke, “en,” TDNT 2:541.
  40. Hans Conzelmann, “chaírō, chará, sungchaíro,” TDNT 9:369.
  41. L&N 1:152.
  42. Guthrie, Epistles from Prison, 47.
  43. Present active infinitive, of phroneo, “I think.” Hawthorne observes that “because phronein characterized the relationship of the Philippian Christians meant that they of necessity would be personally involved in promoting the welfare of the apostle by whatever means they had at their disposal” (Philippians, 196-97).
  44. J. Gresham Machen, in his beginner’s Greek grammar, discusses the difficulty sometimes undergone transferring the articular infinitive into the English language. The articular infinitive “is usually to be translated into English by a clause introduced by a conjunction. But it must not be supposed that the details of such translation have anything to do with the details of the Greek original. It is rather the total idea expressed by the Greek phrase which is transferred into a totally different idiom” (New Testament Greek for Beginners (1923; repr., Unicoi, TN: Trinity Foundation, 2000), 139.
  45. Harry Angus A. Kennedy, “The Epistle to the Philippians,” EGT 3:469.
  46. Robert Johnstone, Lectures Exegetical and Practical on the Epistle of Paul to the Philippians (1875; repr., Grand Rapids, MI: Baker, 1955), 393; Lenski, Interpretation, 888; Müller, Epistles of Paul, 146; Gromacki, Stand United in Joy, 186; Albert Barnes, Ephesians, Philippians, and Colossians, updated ed., ed. Robert Frew (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker, 1949), 217; William E. Vine, “Philippians,” in The Collected Writings of W.E. Vine (Nashville, TN: Nelson, 1996), 2:323; Wayne Jackson, The Book of Philippians: A Grammatical and Practical Study (Abilene, TX: Quality, 1987), 85; William Barclay, The Letters to the Philippians, Colossians, and Thessalonians, revised ed. (Louisville, KY: Westminster, 1975), 84; Ralph P. Martin, Philippians, revised ed. (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1987), 177.
  47. As an aside, it is interesting to note that such an object may be implied contextually and make perfect sense in the Greek language.
  48. Jackson, Philippians, 85.
  49. The Philippians had not forgotten Paul, “he had not been out of their thoughts, but he had been beyond their reach! When, however, opportunity presented itself, their thoughts blossomed into action!” (Jackson, Philippians, 85).
  50. Gerhard Delling, “ákairpos, akairéō, eúkairos, eukairía,” TDNT 3:462.

  51. L&N 1:630.
  52. Robertson, Paul’s Joy in Christ, 248.
  53. This word is a hapax legomena in the New Testament.
  54. BDAG 34.
  55. L&N 1:629.
  56. Bruce, Philippians, 148-49.
  57. Hawthorne, Philippians, 197.
  58. Martin, Philippians, 177.
  59. oux hoti is elsewhere evident in this epistle (3.12), where Paul guards “against misapprehension” (Robertson, Paul’s Joy in Christ, 248).
  60. Lego indicates and points back to something already under discussion, or to give the proper meaning about something already known (BDAG 588); here, Paul’s kairo appears to be the best candidate. Michael, Philippians, 214.
  61. BDAG 1044; Ulrich Wilckens, “hústeros, hústeron, husteréō, aphusteréō, hustérēma, hustérēsis,” TDNT 8:598.
  62. Kata, with the accusative construction, is a “marker of norm, of similarity or homogeneity” and may be translated as “according to, in accordance with, in conformity with, according to” and here according to BDAG the “norm is the reason” (512). BDAG further embellishes this meaning here by stating that contextually it connotes both the idea of “in accordance with and because of are merged” – consistency and reason (512).
  63. A. Plummer infers from that the word husteresin implies “actual penury” (Epistle to the Philippians, 101). Against this observation is Bruce, who affirms, “Paul greatly appreciated the Philippians’ kind thought, but he assures them that he had not been in need of support of this kind” (Philippians, 149). Cf. Karl Barth, The Epistle to the Philippians, trans. James W. Leitch (Richmond, VA: Knox, 1962), 127. Bruce bases his case upon a supposed Pauline “policy” of not living “at the expense of his converts” (2 Thess 3:9), though he had the right to (1 Cor 9:12; Philippians, 149); however, while he did not accept support from “his [Corinthian] converts,” he “robbed” from “his [Macedonian] converts,” and received “wages” to preach full time at Corinth (2 Cor 11:7-9 ASV). Furthermore, Paul recanted from this optional situation at Corinth, seeing that it caused his ministry more harm than good (2 Cor 11:12-15) –“forgive me this wrong” (2 Cor 12:11-13). Hence, Bruce’s argumentation is flawed because its supposition is false.
  64. Lenski, Philippians, 888.
  65. “And my God will supply every need of yours according to his riches in glory in Christ Jesus” (ESV).
  66. Wilckens, “hústeros, hústeron, husteréō, aphusteréō, hustérēma, hustérēsis,” TDNT 8:599; Jackson, Philippians, 86.
  67. Gromacki, Stand United in Joy, 186; Vine, “Philippians,” 323.
  68. Conzelmann, “chaírō, chará, sungchaíro,” TDNT 9:366.
  69. Martin, Philippians, 177.
  70. This is same word used to describe Jesus in Heb 5:8 (L&N 1:327).
  71. BDAG 615; L&N 1:327.
  72. Martin, Philippians, 178.
  73. Plummer, Epistle to the Philippians, 101.
  74. Robertson, Paul’s Joy in Christ, 250; Brooks and Winbery, Syntax, 99: “The constative aorist views the action in its entirety with no reference to its beginning, its end, its progress, or its result. The action is simply stated as a fact.”
  75. Gromacki, Stand United in Joy, 186; Hawthorne, Philippians, 198.
  76. As Guthrie points out, “such contentment is not automatic” (Epistles from Prison47).
  77. L&N 1:299.
  78. MM 93.
  79. MM 93.
  80. “Dr. Johnson talked with approbation of one who had attained to the state of the philosophical wise man, that is, to have no want of anything. ‘Then, sir,’ said he, ‘I do not mean simply being without, – but not having a want’” (469-70). Kennedy, “The Epistle to the Philippians,” EGT 3:469-70; Gerhard Kittel, “arkéō, arketós, autárkeia, autárkēs,” TDNT 1:466.
  81. MM 93.
  82. Kittel, “arkéō, arketós, autárkeia, autárkēs,” TDNT 1:466-67.
  83. Lenski, Philippians, 889.
  84. Barclay, Philippians, Colossians, and Thessalonians, 85.
  85. Leander E. Keck, Paul and His Letters, 2d edition (Philadelphia, PA: Fortress, 1988), 121.
  86. Frederick B. Meyer, The Epistle to the Philippians: A Devotional Commentary (London: Religious Tract Society, 1912), 241.
  87. Barclay, Philippians, Colossians, and Thessalonians, 85.
  88. Robertson, Paul’s Joy in Christ, 252.
  89. L&N 2:172.
  90. L&N 1:335; BDAG 694.
  91. The kai-kai lends itself to the “both… and” and the “not only… but also” translation (BDAG 495).
  92. BDAG 990.
  93. Guthrie, Epistles from Prison47.
  94. BDAG 805.
  95. Robertson, Paul’s Joy in Christ, 252.
  96. L&N 1:327.
  97. Bruce, Philippians, 151; MM 418; Bruce’s suggestion is based upon the root derivation of the verbal to musterion (Philippians, 151). Following Bruce’s suggestion, it appears that the word carries the idea of initiation “into the mysteries,” which of has allusion to “religious secrets” of the mystery cults. Henry H. Thayer, A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament (New York, NY: American Book Co., 1889), 419-20.
  98. Guthrie, Epistles from Prison47, Moule, Studies in Philippians116.
  99. Lenski, Philippians, 890, Robertson,  Paul’s Joy in Christ, 254-55.
  100. BDAG 1087.
  101. MM 690.
  102. MM 501; BDAG 792.
  103. BDAG 805.
  104. BDAG 1044.
  105. Jackson, Philippians, 86.
  106. Kittel, “arkéō, arketós, autárkeia, autárkēs,” TDNT 1:467.
  107. BDAG 484.
  108. BDAG 333.
  109. Jovan Payes, “Philippians 4:13: Did Paul Write Christ?,” BiblicalFaith.wordpress.com (25 November 2015).
  110. Hendrickson, Philippians, 206.
  111. Plummer, Epistle to the Philippians, 102.
  112. Gary Reaves, “Philippians 4:13: Can You Do, or Endure?,” Livingstoncoc.wordpress.com (6 March 2011).

Bibliography

Aland, Barbara, et al. Eds. Greek New Testament. Fourth revised ed. Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 2001.

Bahr, Gordon J. “Paul and Letter Writing in the First Century.” CBQ 28 (1966): 465-77.

Barclay, William. The Letters to the Philippians, Colossians, and Thessalonians. Revised ed. Louisville, KY: Westminster, 1975.

Barnes, Albert. Ephesians, Philippians, and Colossians. Updated ed. Edited by Robert Frew. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker, 1949.

Barth, Karl. The Epistle to the Philippians. Translated by James W. Leitch. Richmond, VA: Knox, 1962.

(BDAG) Bauer, Walter, Frederick W. Danker, William F. Arndt, and Wilbur Gingrich. A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament and Other Early Christian Literature. 3rd ed. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2000.

Brooks, James A., and Carlton L. Winbery. Syntax of New Testament Greek. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1979.

Bruce, Frederick F. Philippians. NIBC. New Testament Series. Edited by W. Ward Gasque. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 2002.

Cousar, Charles B. The Letters of Paul. Interpreting Biblical Texts Series. Nashville, TN: Abingdon, 1996.

Davis, W. Hersey. Greek Papyri of the First Century: Introduction, Greek Text, English Translation, Commentary, Notes. Repr., Chicago, IL: Ares, 1933.

Doty, William G. Letters in Primitive Christianity. Guides to Biblical Scholarship. New Testament Series. Edited by Dan O. Via, Jr. Philadelphia, PA: Fortress, 1988.

Fee, Gordon D. To What End Exegesis? Essays Textual, Exegetical, and Theological. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2001.

(FHV) McCord, Hugo. The Everlasting Gospel. 4th ed. Henderson, TN: Freed-Hardeman University Press, 2000.

Gamble, Harry Y. The New Testament Canon: Its Making and Meaning. Philadelphia, PA: Fortress, 1985.

Greidanus, Sidney. The Modern Preacher and the Ancient Text: Interpreting and Preaching Biblical Literature. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2003.

Gromacki, Robert G. Stand United in Joy: An Exposition of Philippians. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker, 1980.

Guthrie, Donald. Epistles from Prison: Philippians, Ephesians, Colossians, Philemon. Bible Guides. No. 19. Edited by William Barclay and Frederick F. Bruce. New York, NY: Abingdon, 1964.

Harvey, John D. Listening to the Text: Oral Patterning in Paul’s Letters. ETS Studies. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker, 1998.

Hawthorne, Gerald F. Philippians. WBC. Edited by Bruce Metzger, David A. Hubbard, and Glenn W. Barker. Nashville, TN: Nelson, 1983.

Hendrickson, William. Exposition of Philippians. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker, 1962.

Jackson, Wayne. The Book of Philippians: A Grammatical and Practical Study. Abilene, TX: Quality Publications, 1987.

Johnstone, Robert. Lectures Exegetical and Practical on the Epistle of Paul to the Philippians. 1875. Repr., Grand Rapids, MI: Baker, 1955.

Keck, Leander E. Paul and His Letters. 2d ed. Proclamation Commentaries. Edited by Gerhard Krodel. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1988.

Kennedy, Harry Angus Alexander. “The Epistle to the Philippians.” Vol. 3 of The Expositor’s Greek Testament. Edited by W. Robertson Nicoll. New York: Doran, n.d.

Lenksi, Richard C. H. The Interpretation of St. Paul’s Epistles to the Galatians, to the Ephesians, and to the Philippians. 1937. Repr., Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 2001.

Longenecker, Richard N. “Ancient Amanuenses and the Pauline Epistles.” Pages 281-97 in New Dimensions in New Testament Study. Eds. Richard N. Longenecker and Merrill C. Tenney. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 1974.

—. “On the Form, Function, and Authority of the New Testament Letters.” Pages 101-14 in Scripture and Truth. Eds. Donald A. Carson and John D. Woodbridge. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 1983.

(L&N) Louw, Johannes P., and Eugene A. Nida. Eds. Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament Based on Semantic Domains. 2d ed. New York, NY: United Bible Society, 1989.

Machen, Gresham J. New Testament Greek for Beginners. 1923. Repr., Unicoi, TN: Trinity Foundation, 2000.

Martin, Ralph P. Philippians. Revised ed. TNTC. Edited by Leon Morris. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1987.

Metzger, Bruce. A Textual Commentary on the Greek New Testament. 2d ed. Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 2001.

Meyer, Frederick B. The Epistle to the Philippians: A Devotional Commentary. London: Religious Tract Society, 1912.

Michael, J. Hugh. The Epistle of Paul to the Philippians. Moffatt New Testament Commentary. Ed. James Moffatt. London: Hodder, 1928.

Moule, Handley Carr Glyn. Studies in Philippians. 1893. Repr., Grand Rapids, MI: Kregel, 1977.

(MM) Moulton, James H., and George Milligan. Vocabulary of the Greek Testament. 1930. Repr., Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1997.

Mounce, William D. Basics of Biblical Greek Grammar. 2d ed. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 2003.

Müller, Jacobus Johannes. The Epistle of Paul to the Philippians and to Philemon. NICNT. Ed. Ned B. Stonehouse. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1955.

Murphy-O’Connor, Jerome. Paul the Letter-Writer: His World, His Options, His Skills. Good News Studies. Vol. 41. Collegeville, PA: Liturgical Press, 1995.

Peterman, Gerald W. “‘Thankless Thanks’: The Epistolary Social Convention in Philippians 4.10-20.” TynB 42 (1991): 261-70.

Plummer, Alfred. A Commentary on St. Paul’s Epistle to the Philippians. London: Roxburghe, 1919.

Richards, E. Randolph. Paul and First-Century Letter Writing: Secretaries, Composition and Collection. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2004.

Robertson, Archibald T. Paul’s Joy in Christ: Studies in Philippians. New York, NY: Revell, 1917.

—, and W. Hersey Davis. A New Short Grammar of the Greek New Testament. 10th ed. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker, 1979.

Robson, E. Iliff. “Composition and Dictation in New Testament Books.” JTS 18 (1917): 288-301.

Soulen, Richard N., and R. Kendall Soulen. Handbook of Biblical Criticism. 3rd revised and expanded ed. Louisville, KY: WJK, 2001.

(TDNT) Kittel, Gerhard. Ed. Theological Dictionary of the New Testament. Translated and edited  by Geoffrey W. Bromiley. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1964.

Vine, William E. “Philippians.” Pages 277-327 in vol. 2 of The Collected Writings of W.E. Vine. Nashville, TN: Nelson, 1996.


An Exegetical Analysis of 1 Timothy 2:11-15

college papers

There is a considerable body of research and literature available to discuss 1 Tim 2:11-15 which is one of the key New Testament passages discussing gender roles in worship and ministry of the church. This paper can only hope to provide introductory insight to the issues and difficulties of bringing the words of Paul from Greek into English so that the church can apply these apostolic words in the twenty-first century. In fact, Ann L. Bowman, a complementarian, summarizes the difficulties every exegete must face when sifting through the various grains of this passage.[1] In spite of these difficulties, a satisfactory translation of 1 Tim 2:11-15 can be rendered into English, the epistolary pericope can be analyzed syntactically, and the results from this analysis can be helpful in providing guideposts for application in the worship and ministry of the Lord’s body.

Textual Observations

The textual basis for this translation of 1 Tim 2:11-15 is the fifth revised edition of The Greek New Testament (UBS5), supplemented by the 28th revised edition Novum Testamentum Graece (NA28).[2] There are only two textual matters of interest, the first being a textual variant in 2:14 and other focuses upon whether “the faithful saying” (3:1a) concludes the paragraph at 2:15. A third issue is the way certain words can or should be translated, especially the hapax legomenon authentéō. In the first case, the NA28 critical apparatus shows a variant in 2:14. Instead of the eksapatētheîsa (“having been thoroughly deceived”) found in the main text, late manuscript evidence has apatētheîsa (“having been deceived”). Clearly, the manuscript evidence for eksapatētheîsa is earlier (4th to 6th centuries) and stronger (Aleph*, A, D*), than the late (7th-9th centuries) and weaker evidence for apatētheîsa (Aleph2, D1). The late reading most likely is a result of late editorial harmonization of the apatáō verbs in 2:14.

Second, the paragraph structure in UBS5 and NA28 are in agreement the “faithful saying” of 3:1a conclude the paragraph. introduce the “saying” regarding guardians (3:1b). A. T. Robertson, for example, affirms this “phrase points to the preceding words (not like 1:15) and should close the preceding paragraph.”[3] However, the “faithful saying” can be viewed as introducing the protasis, “if someone aspires…,” in the present simple conditional clause of 3:1b.[4] Third, certain constructions and verbals were significantly difficult to translate with precision. The prepositional phrase en hēsuchía in 2:11, 12 may be translated as the act of “silence,” or “quietness, gentleness” as a quality of behavior. The perfective compound aorist passive participle eksapatētheîsa “when she was fully deceived in transgression”[5] in balance with the force of historic use of the perfect active indicative gégonen is unsatisfactorily rendered into English as “was.”[6] Two more substantial problems for translation and interpretation are the verbs authentéō (2:12) and sōzō (2:15a).

A Translation of 1 Timothy 2:11-15

The tentative translation which follows is presented based on the analysis and considerations and interpretive decisions as explained later in this paper.

11 Let a woman learn in silence in full submission; 12 and I do not permit a woman to teach nor to have authority over a man, but to be in quietness. 13 For Adam was formed first, afterwards Eve. 14 And Adam was not deceived, but as for the woman, she was when she was fully deceived in transgression; 15 but she shall be delivered by bearing children, if they continue in faith and love and consecration with sound judgment. (Author's Translation)

One of the concerns this translation intends to address is to express, as clear as possible, that the domestic realm is where submissive women find non-soteriological “deliverance.”

Context and Exegetical Analysis

It is important to observe that 1 Tim 2:11-15 is a part of larger context specifically dealing with the connection of Christian women and the assembly of the church.[7] This topic begins in 2:9, although an argument can be made that the theme begins in 2:8 since it establishes the location where Paul’s instructions are to take place with the phrase en pantì tópō (“in every place”). This locative expression appears to be a shorthand for “in every place of assembly.”[8] It is in this context that the third movement of desired conduct “in every assembly” of the church is argued (2:8, 9-10, 11-15). First, godly Christian men are to lead prayer in the place of assembly (2:8). Second, Christian women are to profess godliness through good works (2:9-10). Thirdly, as an extension of 2:9-10, Christian women are instructed to exhibit submissiveness in the assembly by being learners, not instructors (2:11-15).

The overall structure of 1 Tim 2:11-15 may be subdivided into two groups marked by Paul’s imperatival command, manthanétō (11-12), followed by the explanatory gàr (13-15) which directs his reader(s) to the rationale for this command. Each group is bound structurally with the postpositive , marking their internal connection and transitions. This then provides a structural framework toward from: 11  12, gàr 13 kaì 14  15. This does not remove the complexity of the passage as a whole, but the grouping does allow the exegete to focus on the syntax of these two movements.

In the first group, for example, the subject of the present active imperative manthanétō could have been supplied from 2:9-10 (gunaîkas, gunaiksin), but the word order of 2:11 begins with an anarthrous nominative gunē.[9] Its repetition along with the verb can be viewed as an important “topic marker or shifter” (295);[10] hence, the command “let a woman learn” shifts toward a new topic from 2:9-10.[11] Paul places “a requirement” upon the “woman” in the assembly[12] which he expects to be followed in “an ongoing process.”[13] The manner of learning in the assembly is defined by the two dative prepositional phrases (en hēsuchía and en pásē hupotagē). The meaning for hēsuchía pivots between “silence” and “quietness, rest,”[14] but uses of the prepositional phrase en hēsuchía in non-biblical Greek (Philo and Ignatius)[15] meaning “in silence” provides some insight here and in verse 12.[16] The manner (action or circumstance) under consideration, then, is probably “in silence.” Likewise, the silence is en pásē hupotagē (instrumental of manner), “in full submission” anticipates further nuance in verse 12.

1 Tim 2:12 nuances the prohibition with a list of three complementary infinitives[17] and the gnomic present active indicative[18] verb epitrépō. The postpositive  marks this connection and transition. Furthermore, if S. E. Porter is right, placing the infinitival didáskein first in its clause marks it as the “most important element” in its clause.[19] The prohibition’s main concern then is didáskein gunaikì (“to teach by a woman”) and its counterpart authenteîn andrós (“to have authority over a man”). Paul specifically prohibits (ouk) theses activities within the assembly. Despite some difficulty in ascertaining the precise contextual meaning of authenteîn (taken here as “to have authority over”),[20] oudè joins these two infinitives to “explains what sort, or what manner, of teaching is prohibited to women.”[21] The contrastive alla is brought in to provide a strong contrast to the prohibition by setting up the “permission” eînai en hēsuchía (“to be in quietness”). The implied helper verb epitrépō reinforces, as an exhortation, the positive command in 2:11 to “learn in silence in full submission.” This second use of the instrumental of manner en hēsuchía gives strength to the view that verses 11-12 solidifies submission and quietness as the hallmarks of Christian women receiving instruction in the assembly.[22]

The second group of verses (2:13-15) is marked by an explanatory gàr providing insight into the prohibition of 2:11-12. The explanation in 2:13 does not stem from any noticeable wordplay within the context; instead, a logical appeal is made to biblical texts outside of 1 Tim. The argument and explanation is derived from Genesis 2-3 in the LXX, and it serves as the foundation for the boundaries of Christian women in the church assembly.[23] The aorist passive indicative verb eplásethē is constative in force and views the formation (the creation) of Adam and Eve as completed.[24] The emphasis is laid upon the order of creation marked by the use of the adjectival use of prôtos, which suggest “first of several” in order to provide clarity to the substantive it modifies.[25] Thus, the prôtos and adverbial eîta have the chronological force of, “Adam, the first one, was formed, next Eve was.”[26]

Paul extends his thought with kaì, adding a “second fact” to his argument.[27] He begins the clause with a subject and its predicate (2:14). The first clause takes Adam and the aorist passive constative ouk ēpatēthē  (“Adam was not deceived”);[28] in the second clause, calls “attention to the singularity” of the woman being “deceived in transgression”;[29] hence, the translation, “but as for the woman, she was [deceived].”[30] The perfect active indicative verb (gégonen) takes on the historic emphasis calling dramatic attention to the act of “being” deceived. In addition, the compound anarthrous nominative aorist passive participle eksapatētheîsa is perhaps perfective[31] in that ek intensifies the verb (“fully deceived”). Following hē gunē argues for it to be read adjectivally, and places the adjectival participle in the predicate position; asserting, that it is “the woman who was fully deceived.” It is this large subject which is modified by the dative of reference en parabásei “with reference to transgression.” The subject and its modifiers are viewed historically (gégonen), and echoes Eve’s confession, “The woman [hē gunē ] said, ‘the serpent deceived [ēpátēsén] me” (Gen 3:13).[32] “Paul bases his arguments,” observes egalitarian T. C. Geer, “on the creation stories in Genesis.”[33]

As in verse 12, the  in 2:15 marks the sustained continuity from 2:13-14 which serve as the logical basis for Paul’s command in 2:11 and prohibition in 2:12. 1 Timothy 2:15 concludes the argument with an inverted third class conditional statement.[34] While there are several important “exegetical cruxes” in 2:15,[35] this is the overarching grammatical crux since it is the verse’s organizing principle. First, conditional sentences are comprised of two clauses, the “if” clause (protasis) and the “then” clause (apodosis). In general, the first clause contains the contingency under consideration; meanwhile, the second clause is a statement (the portrayal) about what will happen, or not happen, should the contingent action occur. There may be, however, other relationships at work besides a cause and effect one, and context must inform the exegete.[36] Second, contrary to a usual “if-then” structure, the apodosis is introduced first followed by the protasis (“then-if”). This can be done since the apodosis is “grammatically independent,” but it is still “semantically dependent” upon the protasis for understanding its fulfillment (Matt 4:9; Heb 6:3).[37]

1 Timothy 2:15, then, begins with the fulfillment clause sōthēsetai (apodosis), and concludes with the condition clause eàn meínōsin (protasis). The first clause, then, portrays the future expectation (portrayal) of “being saved” by means (ablative) of “bearing children” (dià tēs teknogonías). Arranging the apodosis first connects the future active indicative third person verb sōthēsetai to the nominative feminine singular hē gunē “the woman will be saved” (2:14).[38] The verb sōthēsetai is future passive indicative (“will be saved”) and serves to “grammaticalize,” as Porter observes, “a projection or expectation, not an assertion, about reality.”[39] The question, here, concerns the portrayed future meaning of sōzō, a verb which has a wide lexical range.[40] In what way will she be saved? The context must provide the answer.[41] Its use in 2:15, however, is connected to the transgression (parabásei) of Eve (2:14), so the natural “Christian” sense of salvation is certainly possible as component of lives which profess godliness (5:14, teknogoneîn).[42] This expectation, however, only has a probability of occurring “when the conditions stated in the protasis are met.”[43]

The second clause (2:15b) marks the protasis of the third class condition, eàn with the aorist active subjunctive. The protasis, eàn meínōsin (“if they continue”), points to the woman’s salvation (2:15a) rather than the subjects of the third person plural verb here (2:15b).[44] Knight sees this “as a fact assumed to be true”;[45] hence, the sense, may very well be, “it is assumed to be true that if they continue.” The nearest antecedent to meínōsin (“if they continue”) is perhaps implied by teknogonías (2:15a), which is children.[46] Alternatively, however, “woman” is the subject of the entire pericope[47] and this is most likely the implied semantic subject for meínōsin. Consequently, the verb refers to Christian women who “continue in faith and love and consecration with sound judgment.” This is the condition of the protasis. If Christian women continue a life of godliness and faith, then they will be saved by means of their reception of their domestic role.

Ralph Gilmore once observed, “it is easier to show what the biblical principles involved are than to apply them in specific instances.”[48] The implications of this evaluation of the syntax of 1 Tim 2:11-15 are not easily summarized, but a few suggested guideposts can be suggested. The passage does divide into two main lines of thought (11-12 and 13-15).

The occasional nature of the problem, however, does not undermine the truth which it teaches. The guidelines may have emerged from a need to address heresy; however, heresy is corrected by truth. In 1 Tim 2:4, Paul made it clear that God “desires all men to be saved and to come to the knowledge of truth.” This instruction then is to provide the truth regarding the contours of gender responsibilities in the assembly and outside of the assembly. This instruction can be difficult to digest, but that is a modern problem of application. It perhaps reflects a contemporary bias rather than an internal problem of the text itself. Moreover, Paul introduces the foundation for the command and prohibitions of 2:11-12 in the next verses (2:13-15).

First, 2:11-12 represents the second main injunction upon women in the assembly (2:8). It is first introduced as a command and then nuanced by two prohibitions, and finally balanced by an exhortation towards “quietness.” Despite some difficulty in the proper meaning of en hēsuchia, the fact that the phrase brackets the internal works of Paul’s command, prohibition, and exhortation, would suggest that the content defines how Paul used the phrase. In other words, having a focus on receiving biblical instruction (learn), while refraining from giving instruction in the assembly (not to teach) and having (therefore using) authority over a man, serve as explaining en hēsuchia . An attitude of gentleness which manifests itself in silence and full submission. This does perhaps imply that there was a serious breach in the Pauline protocol for women in the assembly which required instruction.

Second, 2:13-15 is a clear explanation that the command and prohibitions are logically connected to the creation narrative of Adam and Eve, and the narrative of the serpents deception of Eve and the willful participation to eat from the tree of the knowledge of good and evil (Gen 2-3). Despite the literary mountain of literature designed to reconstruct the religious and philosophical world of Ephesus which may or may not provide insight into the internal problems of heresy in 1 Tim, the appeal to Gen 2-3 demonstrates that these “scriptures are not tied to culture. They are tied to creation.”[49] This is a significant commitment to the words of Paul. If the argument stems from Gen, then matters such as the order of creation, headship, Eve as a complement to Adam, Eve’s role in the fall by being deceived, Adam’s role in the fall void of deception, and the Divine punishments upon Adam, Eve, and the serpent are all integral parts of the theological foundation for 2:11-12.

Christian men and Christian women are to understand their identity and roles in this world from Scripture. Three particular issues are brought up to shape Paul’s readers understanding of gender roles in the assembly and when not assembled. First, Adam was formed first. When Adam was formed, it was not good that man should be alone so God “constructed” Eve out of his rib. Eve as a complement to Adam demonstrates a joint purpose and companionship; however, the fact remains Adam was formed first. There is an inherent position of responsibility and privilege for the first born males of a family in the Old Testament. This implies a standing expectation or responsibility on the part of men; however, this does not diminish women nor provide a reason to abdicate any responsibility or authority she may have.

Second, Eve was deceived and transgressed God’s command. When Paul quotes and alludes from Gen 3, he provides a window into Eve’s plight. Why did the serpent focus upon Eve? Speculations abound. The fact is she was full deceived in transgression. Gen 3 piers into Eve’s mind, “the woman saw that the tree was good for food, and that it was a delight to the eyes, and that the tree was to be desired to make one wise” (Gen 3:6 ESV). What is interesting is the LXX arranges the verb in the aorist active indicative “he deceived/enticed me”; however, in 1 Tim 2 Paul places the verbs in the aorist passive “he was formed/she was deceived.” Eve alone concedes to being deceived (Gen 3:16). In all of this, it must be remembered that regardless of the order of creation, regardless of the deception, regardless of the transgression, the woman as a profound role in the framework of God saving the world through Jesus.

Third, the limitations which exist when the church is assembled is not a reflection on her salvation. The true measure of the salvation which she longs to have is found in “child bearing/bearing children,” the unique capacity and role to be, like Eve, the mother of all the living (Gen 3:20). In fact, the “renaming” of Eve in LXX into Zoe following the Hebrew text, demonstrate that even outside of Eden, in the shadow of the garden there was still a profound role Eve played. The mirror image, or type and antitype, is seen in the profound role of continuing on in a manner consistent with faith, love, and sanctification with sound judgment. The implications from this study no doubt raises many questions to our “modern” ears.

Conclusion

Bruce Morton summarizes well our understanding of the text in the face of negative reactions. He writes,

In a time filled with male and female ability and confidence, the teaching swims against a strong current. But the apostle is not saying that women should avoid teaching the Word. Instead, he is announcing the purposes and roles within church assemblies.[50]

Deceiving Winds: Christians Navigating the Storm of Mysticism, Leadership Struggles and Sensational Worship (21st Century Christian, 2009)

1 Timothy 2:11-15 is as profound as it is complicated, but if one focuses on the flow of the syntax the exegete can eliminate some biases, whether they be complementarian or egalitarian. Personally, I have no vested interest in either point of view; what matters is how the syntax and the internal logic of the passage develops. The most difficult problem I see in applying 1 Tim 2:11-15 is that “the assembly” of first-century churches was vastly different than contemporary assemblies. This factor alone causes some the majority of the problems with concepts such as “having authority” and being “in silence/quietness.” In the end, churches and leaders always need to reassess their practices by what the text says, and here the boundaries of women participating in the assembly are based on creation and its principles not upon culture.

Endnotes

  1. Ann L. Bowman points to the difficulty of “unusual vocabulary … awkward grammar … references to the Old Testament … significant theological issues … and a flow of thought that is not so clear as it may seem at first glance.” See “Women in Ministry: An Exegetical Study of 1 Timothy 2:11-15,” BSac 149.594 (April-June 1992): 193.
  2. Barbara Aland, et al., eds., The Greek New Testament, 5th rev. ed. (Germany: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 2014); Eberhard Nestle and Erwin Nestle, Novum Testamentum Graece, 28th rev. ed., eds. Barbara Aland, et al. (Germany: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 2012).
  3. Robertson, Word Pictures in the New Testament (1931; repr. Nashville, TN: Broadman, n.d.), 4:572.
  4. Gordon D. Fee, 1 and 2 Timothy, Titus, rev. ed. (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1988. repr., Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 2000), 79. Herbert W. Smyth, A Greek Grammar for Colleges (New York, NY: American Book Company, 1920), par. 2297. Walter Lock, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Pastoral Epistles (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1924), 35.
  5. James A. Brooks and Carlton L. Winbery, Syntax of New Testament Greek (Langham, MD: University Press of America, 1979), 146.
  6. Daniel B. Wallace, Greek Grammar Beyond the Basics: An Exegetical Syntax of the New Testament (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 1996), 578-79.
  7. See George W. Knight, III, The Pastoral Epistles (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1992; repr., Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2013), 130-49.
  8. Everett Ferguson, “Tópos in 1 Timothy 2:8,” ResQ 33.2 (1991): 65-73. Ferguson disputes the entry in “topos,” BAGD, as “everywhere that Christian people or Christians live” (822). To this Ferguson affirms, “This is inadequate, for a stronger statement may be made to the effect that among Jews ‘place’ acquired in some contexts a technical reference to the ‘place of worship’” (66). The force of Ferguson’s contribution did not affect, unfortunately, the entry of the third edition (“topos,” BDAG 1011).
  9. Stanley E. Porter, Idioms of the Greek New Testament, 2d ed. (1992; repr., Sheffield: Sheffield Academic, 2005). Porter describes this word order structure as “Subject-predicate” which is a very basic pattern, but it does point to gune as the expressed subject (294-95). It is grammatically legitimate for manthaneto to find its subject in 2:9 (gunaikas), so the repetition (the “expressed subject”) is important as a “form of topic marker or shifter” (295).
  10. Porter, Idioms of the Greek New Testament, 295.
  11. As a caveat, this is not a prohibition, which “forbids an action,” for it lacks the customary structural mē. This also dispels any notion to view the phrase as a suggestion or an option. See Wallace, Greek Grammar Beyond the Basics, 486-87.
  12. Wallace, Greek Grammar Beyond the Basics, 486.
  13. Robertson and Hersey remind that “all imperatives are future in idea” which underscores the anticipation of obedience. See, Archibald T. Robertson and W. Hersey Davis, A New Short Grammar of the Greek Testament, 10th ed. (New York, NY: Harper & Brothers, 1933; repr., Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books, 1979), 165. Wallace, Greek Grammar Beyond the Basics, 485. Chamberlain reminds that “the present imperative may have any of the characteristic ideas of linear action.” William D. Chamberlain, An Exegetical Grammar of the Greek New Testament (New York, NY: Macmillan, 1941; repr., Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1981), 86.
  14. hēsuchia,” BDAG 440.
  15. Philo, On Dreams 2.263, and Ignatius Eph 19.1; see “hēsuchia,” BDAG 440.
  16. Jack P. Lewis, “Quietness or Silence?” Gospel Advocate 130.7 (July 1988): 11-12. Lewis writes, “That silence from sound is an undisputed meaning of hēsuchia, plus the parallels to the prepositional phrase en hēsuchia, which we have cited, creates the presupposition that that is the proper meaning of 1 Timothy 2:11, 12. I would be glad to see a linguistic demonstration to the contrary” (12).
  17. Wallace, Greek Grammar Beyond the Basics, 598-99. Wallace cites epitrepo as a “helper verb” which requires an infinite to supplement and complete its meaning.
  18. Brooks and Winbery, Syntax of New Testament Greek, 86-87. Wallace, Greek Grammar Beyond the Basics, 525. Wallace argues extensively as to why epitrepo should be taken as a gnomic present over descriptive (progressive) present. Three points in particular were persuasive. There are no temporal indicators, the present tense is used with a generic object (gunaiki), and the exhortation is tied to creation.
  19. Porter, Idioms of the Greek New Testament, 296.
  20. Barclay M. Newman, “authenteo,” A Concise Greek-English Dictionary to the New Testament, rev. ed. (Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 2010), 29; The meaning of this New Testament hapax is the subject of considerable study and debate and beyond the scope of this paper. In BDAG it falls under the basic category “to assume a stance of independent authority” such as “to give orders to, dictate to” (150); however, semantically, L&N have “to control in a domineering manner” (37.21). For opposing views, see Richard Clark Kroeger and Catherine Clark Kroeger, 1 Suffer not a Woman: Rethinking 1 Timothy 2:11-15 in Light of Ancient Evidence (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books, 1992; repr., Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books, 2001), 87-98; Andreas J. Köstenberger and Thomas R. Schreiner, eds., Women in the Church: An Analysis and Application of 1 Timothy 2:9-15, 2d ed. (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2005).
  21. Kroeger and Kroeger, Suffer not a Woman, 83-84.
  22. Some see a chiastic structure in 11-12 with en hēsuchia marking this group as a unit. (A) gunē en hēsuchia manthaneto en pasē hupotagē· (B) didaskein de gunaiki ouk epitrepo (B’) oude authentein andros, (A’) all’ einai en hēsuchia (Bowmann, “Women in Ministry,” 202-03).
  23. This citation to the Greek Genesis record reveals that there are corresponding verbs and nouns demonstrating an intentional recapitulation of the events in Eden in order to provide the rationale for the gender roles played out “in every place of assembly” (2:8-15).
  24. Wallace, Greek Grammar Beyond the Basics, 557-58.
  25. protos,” BDAG 725. George Benedict Winer, A Grammar of the Idiom of the New Testament, 7th ed. enl. and impr. ed., ed. Joseph H. Thayer, trans. Gottlieb Lünemann (Andover: Draper, 1886), 464.
  26. Whereas Paul uses aorist passive indicative third person singular form, eplasthē, the LXX employs aorist active indicative third person singular, eplasen, four times in Gen 2 each time as a reference to God’s formation of Adam (7, 8, 15, 19). Moreover, a different word is used to describe the construction of Eve in Gen 2:19: okodomesen kurios ho theos ten pleuran … eis gunaika.
  27. R. C. H. Lenski writes, “kai adds the second fact to the first. This is not done because a second is needed; yet Paul lets two witnesses speak.” The Interpretation of St. Paul’s Epistles to the Colossians, to the Thessalonians, to Timothy, to Titus, and to Philemon (Lutheran Book Concern, 1937; repr., Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 2001), 567.
  28. Albrecht Oepke, “apatáō, eksapatáō, apátē,” TDNT 1:384-85. Oepke demonstrates briefly that the LXX use of the verb is seen commonly “to deceive” or “entice,” but only provides one tentative example of eksapatáō in the second century A.D. by Jewish translator Theodotion (Sus 56). The Old Greek version uses apatáō. In this passage, either verb attempts to offer a distortion (to entice, deceive).
  29. de,” BDAG 212.
  30. Wallace, Greek Grammar Beyond the Basics, 578-79.
  31. Bruce M. Metzger, Lexical Aids for Students of New Testament Greek, 3rd ed. (Princeton, NJ: Theological Book Agency, 1969; repr., Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books, 2002), 79, 82. Knight does not place too much emphasis on the compound verb, but keeps this point open (The Pastoral Epistles, 144).
  32. eîpen hē gunē Ho óphis ēpátēsén me (Gen 3:13 LXX).
  33. Thomas C. Geer, Jr., “Admonitions to Women in 1 Tim. 2:8-15,” in vol. 1 of Essays on Women in Earliest Christianity. ed. Carroll D. Osburn (Joplin, MO: College Press, 1993; repr., Joplin, MO: College Press, 1995), 295. Geer is right that the order of creation does not point to male “superiority” and that it is a reminder of complement Eve is to Adam, but he ignores that the Old Testament does give a voice to “the first born” as a pecking order for authority, responsibility, and privileges (Bowman, “Women in Ministry,” 204-05).
  34. Wallace, Greek Grammar Beyond the Basics, 696-97. Dana and Mantey observe, that the contingency implies a certain level of “uncertainty,” yet it carries a tone of being “hopeful but hesitant.” Harvey E. Dana and Julius R. Mantey, A Manual Grammar of the Greek New Testament (1927; repr., New York, NY: Macmillan, 1957), 290.
  35. Knight, The Pastoral Epistles, 144-49.
  36. Wallace, Greek Grammar Beyond the Basics, 682-87. Wallace points out that some conditional relationships may have a semantic force such as “evidence-inference” or even “equivalence” (687).
  37. Wallace, Greek Grammar Beyond the Basics, 684. Wallace goes on to say that the protasis is “grammatically dependent, but semantically independent.” The apodosis can form a complete thought, but the protasis inherently cannot.
  38. Making this connection does not resolve the difficulty of coming to a conclusion as to the meaning of sōthēsetai.
  39. Porter, Idioms of the Greek New Testament, 262.
  40. Newman, “sōzō,” A Concise Greek-English Dictionary to the New Testament. Newman has the following glosses: “save (of Christian salvation); save, rescue, deliver; keep safe, preserve; cure, make well” (179).
  41. In 1 Tim the use of the verb (1:15, 2:4, 4:16) shows connection to eternal life (1:15-16), arrive at gospel truth (2:4), and the result of remaining in the teaching (4:16).
  42. Werner Foerster, “sōzō, sōtēria,” TDNT 7:995. Foerster, observes, such a view “cannot be ruled out at” grammatically. Bowman surveys six possible interpretations and argues that an “interpretation that satisfies the grammatical and lexical problems and that also fit the larger context is … women will enter into eschatological salvation, with its accompanying rewards, through faithfulness to their proper role, exemplified in motherhood and in godly living generally” (“Women in Ministry,” 208).
  43. Brooks and Winbery, Syntax of New Testament Greek, 183.
  44. Carl Spain, The Letters of Paul to Timothy and Titus (Austin, TX: Sweet Co., 1970), 52.
  45. Knight, The Pastoral Epistles, 148.
  46. Spain, The Letters of Paul to Timothy and Titus, 52.
  47. Knight, The Pastoral Epistles, 148. Knight makes an excellent point, “The concept of ‘remaining’ or ‘continuing’ would also seem to tie the subject of this verb to the subject of the previous clause (gunēγ); one does not talk about ‘continuing’ with a new subject but with a continuation of the previous subject.”
  48. Robert Randolph, et al., Gender and Ministry: The Role of the Women in the Work and Worship of the Church (Huntsville, AL: Publishing Designs, 1990), 77.
  49. Randolph, Gender and Ministry, 57.
  50. Bruce Morton, Deceiving Winds: Christians Navigating the Storm of Mysticism, Leadership Struggles and Sensational Worship (Nashville, TN: 21st Century Christian, 2009), 135.

Working Through Church Problems

Are you looking for a perfect congregation? Take a number and stand in line. The perfect congregation is elusive because they are composed of imperfect people.

Yes, problems happen. If anything should tip our hand to this fact it ought to be the apostolic letters to the churches found in the New Testament. Even though the Spirit of God dwelt in the primitive church, the New Testament reveals those congregations were still imperfect.

Problems emerged, emerge, and will continue to emerge within the church, and within a congregation. Paul said that the heartache of “factions” can provide a lens to recognize who is “genuine” in the church (1 Cor 11:19 ESV).

We have been given biblical teaching as to how to respond to disruptions caused by Christian misconduct. The answers are found in the apostolic word. Consider three examples.

1. The Thessalonians

Certain members of the congregation in Thessalonica would not work in order to be self-sufficient (2 Thess 3:11-12), but instead, burdened the church as they received dietary support. Such was described as living in “idleness.”

Such was described as “busybodies,” which is a play on words contrasting the appropriate Christian ethic of being “busy at work.”

The point is some members of the Lord’s church in Thessalonica refrained from being productive in the workforce and had become guilty of lifestyles that were unproductive, intrusive, and disruptive to their lives about them.

The apostle Paul sets forth an apostolic injunction to prohibit those who willfully reject the divine ideal to “earn their own living” and received benevolent sustenance from the church: “if one is not willing to work, let him not eat” (2 Thess 3:10).

The church suffered at the hands of their disruptive behavior (i.e. “busybodies”). Since they were subsidized by the church, Paul aptly responds: “stop subsidizing their sinful behavior!”

Too many times, matters which affect the congregation (gossip, opinions, hypocrisy, etc.) are allowed to thrive due to a lack of solidarity to follow God’s teaching. Here Paul makes it clear that the congregation must make a stand together placing sanctions on those Christians who live contrary to the divine teaching on working to supply your own needs (2 Thess 3:6ff).

Only with a unified front, will there be sufficient godly pressure to make the defectors return to the “ranks.” The congregation is to apply the pressure of a well-intended, caring family towards “work” so that they may not be an unnecessary burden on others (3:8).

2. Paul and Barnabas

Sometimes problems develop within very successful ministry teams, particularly in matters of expediency.

In Acts 13:1-4, the setting for Paul’s ministry to evangelize the world is narrated. In fact, the Holy Spirit is quoted as saying, “Set apart for me Barnabas and Saul for the work to which I have called them” (13:2).

This Divine call to action belongs to Barnabas as much as it does Paul. Still, throughout the reports in Acts of the various evangelistic labors, it appears that Paul (Saul) begins to gain special consideration (Acts 13-14).

An interesting footnote is placed at Barnabas and Paul’s transition from the Cyprus Island to the southern Asia Minor Roman province of Pamphylia (Acts 13:13). Luke writes that “John” (= John-Mark 15:37) was with them in their evangelistic campaign functioning as an “assistant” (Acts 13:5); however, for reasons unknown he left Barnabas and Paul and returned to Jerusalem (Acts 13:13).

After some time had elapsed, Barnabas and Paul were anxious to return to the “mission field” to see the well-being of the congregations which they planted in Asia Minor. At this point, Barnabas and Paul entered a “sharp disagreement” over the inclusion of John-Mark (14:36-41).

John-Mark who had served as an “assistant” (Grk. huperetes), a term which suggests the responsibility to care, guard, and to manage the resources of another,[1] had “defected” (= ESV “had withdrawn”) from the evangelistic team. Why, is anyone else’s guess.

While Mark broke his commitment to the evangelistic team, Barnabas wanted to give John-Mark a second chance; but Paul felt him undependable – an evaluation he publically reverses over a decade later (2 Tim 4:11). Mark is enshrined in Scripture as one whom Paul came to think of as helpful, beneficial, and useful (Grk. euchrēstos, 2 Tim 2:21; Philm 11).

Still, Luke does not append any evaluation upon who made the right choice, for Barnabas and Paul part ways here never to be found together again on the pages of Scripture; and yet, never disparaged for their differences on this issue. Possibly, they were both correct, and it is one of those cases where there are two right choices for the same problem (Prov 26:4-5). Wisdom is always a contextualized answer-solution to a contextualized problem.

It is unfortunate that such a successful evangelistic team should part ways, but the most significant point is that neither party refrained from evangelism. Paul continues to fulfill his ministry, as Barnabas continues the “encouragement” he is known for (Acts 4:36; 9:27).

Here is a powerful lesson, especially for advocates of non-denominational Christianity. At various times, brethren due to opinions – even strong opinions – must part ways for the common good of sharing the gospel with the world:

There is enough room for different expedient methodologies (provided they are biblical) to thrive side by side without any sense of competition of faithfulness to intrude our works.

Paul continues his work with the prophet Silas, and along the way picks up Luke and Timothy. Barnabas takes with him John-Mark to the island of Cyprus. One dynamic team turns into two evangelistic teams with capable leaders.

Sometimes we need to step back and realize, like Abraham, that we are brethren, and as such, we should not quarrel with each other over expedients (Gen 13:8; Rom 14:13). Disagreements can be worked through if the parties involved reflect heavenly dispositions to make peace (Jas 3:13-18). Faithful children of God must strive to “agree in the Lord” (Phil 4:2-3). Might one of those agreements be in the matter of ministry methods that are different but biblical?

3. Diotrephes and Gaius (3 John)

Sometimes a church setting can be thrown off its balance by a strong vocal minority. They typically are aggressive, carnally minded, and self-absorbed. Unfortunately, good-meaning brethren can give such ones an audience -and the podium- which encourages their behavior.

Such was the case with a man by the name of Diotrephes. In brief, the apostle John sent a few preachers to the church acquainted with this man in order to be welcomed and financially supported in their evangelistic and missionary work.


Read more about Diotrephes in “Studies in 3 John: The Fellowship of the Truth”


However, pumped with his own arrogance, he rejected the apostolic request, suppressed the request, attacked those like Gaius who provided for men like these, and imposed his own will upon them by ill-treating the preachers and casting their supporters “out of the church” (9-10). In practice, he was a “missions killer.”

Such “church gangsters,” the apostle John says, must have their nefarious operations exposed (“I will bring up what he is doing”). They operate in the brotherhood “alleyways” where their true face is revealed. They are punitive. For not only do they not support a “worthy” work, but they will also subvert them at all costs.

The church must stand up against those who are intoxicated with pride, those who manipulate behind the “church” scenes, and those who “always need a villain” in order to promote their agenda and get their way.

Concluding Thoughts

Problems come, but the church has, can, does, and will overcome them if we are faithful to God and gracious to each other. Some church problems are ethical or doctrinal; consequently, as in the Thessalonian situation, the only solution is to reinforce God’s plan for Christian conduct and teaching.

Other times, church problems emerge when leaders disagree over matters of opinion. Sometimes, we must realize that not every method is the only way to carry out a biblical command or expectation. Some methods and decisions can co-exist side by side. We must learn to be flexible and gracious in such scenarios.

Finally, some problems are instigated by a divisive minority who implement their plan in the shadows rather than in a clear view of all. They are coercive and manipulative. They seek and exercise power rather than submission to God. In such cases, exposure to such conduct is warranted in order to begin the process to restore peace in the church.

These situations do not exhaust every problematic scenario, but hopefully, they provide guideposts that will be helpful. May the church learn to acknowledge and work through our problems in a peaceful and God-fearing way.

Endnote

  1. James H. Moulton and George Milligan, The Vocabulary of the Greek New Testament Illustrated from the Papyri and Other Non-Literary Sources (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1914-1929), MM 654-55.

Who is to Care for the Widows? (1 Tim 5:16)

college papers

If any believing woman has relatives who are widows, let her care for them. Let the church not be burdened, so that it may care for those who are truly widows. (ESV)

If any believing man or woman has widows, let them relieve them, and do not let the church be burdened, that it may relieve those who are really widows. (NKJV)

The opening words of 1 Timothy 5:16 is plagued with four variant readings. At the outset, this paper will follow the order of the fifth revised edition of The Greek New Testament (UBS5)[1] textual apparatus in arranging the variant readings. The first reading is in that which is in the main body of the UBS5 Greek text, “a woman that believes” (pistē), the second variant reading is “a man that believes” (pistos), the third variant reading is the longer “man or woman that believes” (pistos e pistē), and the fourth variant reading is the accusative plural “women that believe” (pistas).

The variants throw into question who are the believers to care for their widows. Is it Christian women or men (variants 1-2)? Is it either or (variant 3), or is it a general call to care (variant 4)? The following processes will be followed: (1) evaluate the external and internal evidence, then (2) observe its effect on modern translations, and then (3) apply the most probable reading to approach an understanding of the reading in 1 Timothy 5:16.

Evaluating the Evidence

External Evidence

The weight of the external evidence of the four variant readings are early, but they are not of the same strength. In particular, the second (pistos) and fourth (pistas) variant readings are void of extant Greek manuscripts. The second reading is represented by the Ethiopic tradition from the sixth century, half of Ambrose (397), Augustine (430), and a Latin translation of Theodore of Mopsuestia, Cilicia. The meager witnesses for the fourth reading are exclusively translational itg (ninth) and vgmss (fourth and fifth).

The third longer reading (pistos e piste) is represented with witnesses which begin in the fourth and fifth centuries. The reading appears early in patristic witnesses such as John Chrysostom (407), Ambrosiaster (post 384), and also Ambrose; moreover, it has witness in Old Latin translations from the third and sixth centuries (itb, d). The earliest extant Greek manuscript witness, however, is the bilingual (Greek and Latin) sixth-century uncial Codex Claromontanus (D 06).[2]

Despite the earlier witness of the longer variant reading against pistos and pistas, the uncials which support the first reading (pistē) are much earlier. These witnesses are from the fourth and fifth centuries and are traditionally more substantial in their textual value.[3] The fourth-century evidence has Aleph (Sinaiticus), along with fifth-century codexes Alexandrinus (A) and palimpsests Ephraem (C 04), and uncial 048.[4] Patristic evidence has early witnesses as Athanasius (373) and mid-fifth century Pelagius. Translational evidence for the preferred reading is in the fourth-century Sahidic Coptic text in Egypt (copsa). The early dates of the external evidence weigh in agreement with the UBS5 inclusion of the preferred reading.

Geographic Distribution

The geographical distribution is spread somewhat evenly among Eastern and Western text-type lines. The longer reading is distributed widely in the West more so than in the East. The inclusion of the longer reading is supported by Alexandrian Uncials, Western D, and Byzantium readings (K 018, L020). It is also distributed in the Greek Church (Chrysostom, and a majority of Lectionary readings) and Latin Fathers Ambrosiaster and Ambrose. Nevertheless, pistē has the widest breadth of distribution, impressively stretching from Greek Father Athanasius (373) in Alexandria, Egypt, in the East to the Latin Father Pelagius (418) in Britain in the far West at roughly the same time. The overlap of both readings in the translational evidence is also equally distributed and this is best typified by Latin Father Ambrose who is a witness to both readings; however, the longer reading is mainly supported by the Western witnesses. The geographical distribution of the second and third readings are both substantially Western.

Regarding text-type affinities and other aspects of these particular variants, the first and third variants share text types and there is some external evidence that needs to be considered. First, the first and third readings both share Alexandrian and Western text types, with the longer reading, having late witnesses from the Byzantium text type. The second and fourth readings have no text-type witnesses. Second, in the evaluation of the external evidence of the four readings, it is clear that the second and fourth readings have connections to early witnesses but are relegated to translational evidence in Old Latin and the Vulgate.

Moreover, even the patristic witnesses for the second reading are Latin such as Ambrose and Augustine, and even the witness from Greek Father Theodore of Mopsuestia, Cilicia, is only found in a Latin translation. This suggests that unless better evidence emerges, the second and fourth readings should continue to be viewed as inferior readings which are probably translational in origin.[5]

One piece of the manuscript evidence which has not been considered is that the textual apparatus also lists a considerable amount of minuscule evidence for the longer reading both from Western and Eastern text types; however, the earliest minuscule witnesses are from the tenth century (1175, 1739, 1912), eleventh century (104, 256, 424, 459, 1962), and later. This evidence is consistent with the late witnesses from the ninth century in Byzantium uncials K and L, and the Alexandrian 044 from a similar period. The abundance of these manuscripts which are geographically dispersed very well may prove to be sufficient evidence for their primacy as the text reading; however, the majority of late manuscripts are not weightier than the strong early Alexandrian texts which support the preferred text of the UBS5.

There are strong lines of evidence for dismissing the second and fourth readings because the external evidence is purely translational and patristic. The first and the third readings have competitive manuscript witnesses and have comparative geographic distribution, which slightly leans toward the third reading; nevertheless, the quality of the early uncial witnesses, translational evidence, and distribution between patristic fathers from Alexandria to Britain in the same window of time favor the preferred reading of “woman that believes” (pistē).

Internal Probabilities

Next, it is important to evaluate the internal evidence of the four variants readings and determine which reading has the best transcriptional probability of being the correct reading.[6] Currently, the editorial committee of the UBS5 places a {B} rating for the short reading piste which “indicates that the text is almost certain.”[7] Among the variants, there are three short readings (piste, pistos, pistas) and one longer reading (pistos e pistē).

The shortest reading (pistē) with the most external support is a difficult reading, for it makes Christian women solely responsible for the care of widows,[8] as opposed to a more general statement that calls all believers to care for the widows of the Christian community. It would certainly be more likely to have been broadened, especially in light of a few broad tis statements in 1 Timothy 5 (4, 8, 15).

Among the shorter readings, the second (pistos) and fourth (pistas) readings appear as linguistic changes intended to understand the care for widows as a broad Christian responsibility (“if any believer” and “if anyone has widows who are believers”). It would be likely for a scribe, or translator, to broaden the responsibility to “anyone” or to “a believer” than to limit it to the more difficult shorter reading, “a woman who believes” (i.e. a Christian sister). The latter best explains the former two readings.

The shorter reading and in the longer third reading (pistos e pistē). The longer reading makes the care of widows a gender-inclusive responsibility in the church (“any man or woman who believes”). Regarding longer variant readings, the conventional textual critical wisdom prefers a longer reading so long as the change is unintentional;[9] from a practical point of view, a copyist would “more likely” omit words than to add words.

Metzger concedes that “it is possible” that, if the longer reading is original, a copyist may have accidentally omitted pistos e;[10] however, the longer reading has late attestation and may be best explained as a conflation of the variants (pistos and pistas) attempting to broaden the responsibility to care for widows in 1 Timothy 5:16 to both male and female believers (cf. 4, 8). This would effectively diminish the leading role of believing women that Paul had in mind.[11] However, the more difficult reading is piste and is better attested; in fact, it requires an explanation as to why Christian sisters are called to care for their widows. The first reading, then, is better attested, shorter, and more difficult; and in terms of probability is a natural impetus to explain the other variants.

How English Translations Stack

The direction most modern translations go is to follow the strength of the textual basis for piste, “a woman who believes” over the longer reading in 1 Timothy 5:16.

Major English New Testaments which take the longer variant reading, however, are the AV/KJV tradition (1611, 1979), Moffatt (1922), NEB (1961); moreover, less familiar versions such as The Living Oracles/Sacred Writings (1828) and McCord’s Everlasting Gospel/FHV5 (2005) also include the longer reading.

Since the time of the American Standard tradition (1901, 1971, 1995), the following major translation has accepted the shorter reading: the Revised Standard tradition (1952, 1990), JB tradition (1966, 1985), the NAB tradition (1970, 1986, 2011), TEV (1976), the NIV tradition (1984, 2002, 2011), ETR (1987), REB (1989), NCV (1991), CEV (1995), NET (1996-2006), HCSB (1999), and ESV (2001). The less-known Plain English Bible (2003), The Voice Bible (2012), and the Jehovah’s Witness’ NWTR (2013) also have shorter and better-attested reading.

The wholesale selection of the shorter reading by the vast majority of modern English translations provides a supportive scholastic culture to the present evaluation of the external and internal evidence in favor of pistē.

Applying “Believing Woman”

Finally, it is critical to find the application of the present conclusion that the shorter variant has the strongest probability to be the text of 1 Timothy 5:16 and understand Paul’s instruction to Timothy regarding the care of widows in the church. The verse is situated in the final words of the pericope concerning directives for the care of widows and the expectations of young widows (1 Tim 5:3-16).[12] 

There is a strong distinction made between the church (5:8b, 9, 16) and Christian families with widows (5:4, 8a), and a distinction made between vulnerable widows to which the church has a responsibility to (5:5-7, 9-10) and young widows who should remarry and establish a proper family life (5:11-15). The last verse (5:16) apparently weaves these four counterpoint groups into a praxis for ministry towards widows which brings the Christian family to the forefront of such benevolent ministry; moreover, every Christian sister (widowed or not) is placed at the focal point to care for any widows they are related to (“she has”).

The counterpoint in this text is that such family ministry in Christian homes, carried out by a “woman who believes,” allows the church to care for the widows who are truly vulnerable (5:3, 5a, 16b). Bruce Winter observes:

Christian women were being called upon to relieve the church of the extra mouths to feed who were their widowed relatives. There is no censure in v. 16, but a call to shoulder responsibility for kinship relationships so that the church can adequately support widows who are without relatives.[13]

Bruce W. Winter, “Providentia for the Widows of 1 Timothy 5:3-16.” TynBul 39 (1988)

Indeed, this Pauline injunction demonstrates a corrective in the Ephesian church culture where Timothy evangelized. Apparently, the church had been “burdened” and “exhausted” (bareō/omai) financially for sure;[14] but also, perhaps the capacity to serve had reached its limit and so the church was significantly fettered.

Nevertheless, Paul is clear there are widows whom the church, as a community, must help (the true widow), but there are widows who must be cared for by their Christian families. In the latter point, Paul argues out the principle at stake: “if anyone does not provide for his relatives, and especially for members of his household, he has denied the faith and is worse than an unbeliever” (1 Tim 5:8). Paul then calls upon Christian women specifically to meet this ministry need.

In the ideal realm, Christian families are responsible for their own widowed grandmother as a demonstration of godly repayment (5:4). Christians males (5:8) are responsible for this service (presumably the husband of the family), but the transition to women believers (remarried women, wives) is significant since they are described as the ones who “run” and “control” their household (5:14).[15]

Part of the power of connecting “wife” and household authority is that it “implies the new and improved position which was secured to women by the Gospel.”[16] Furthermore, this requires a full range of administrative responsibilities.[17] The practical application, then, appears to ask of the “believing woman” her full range of resources and ability to care for “her widow.” As such, if “a woman took good care of her household [including her widow], the enemy would not be able to say anything against them.”[18]

This understanding would encourage a multi-generational inclusive model of family responsibilities as part of a Christian worldview. There are, however, many methods of care for the older members of the family. Still, as Walter Liefeld[19] observes, a few considerations should be made to evaluate the need of a widow:

  1. Determine the actual needs of the widow. Do not presume to know their needs or abilities. It is critical to appreciate their abilities – known or latent. Moreover, consider that not all needs are physical (financial, home); some needs are emotional, spiritual, and intellectual.
  2. Revisit and reaffirm family ties and responsibilities. For family cultures that tend to live far from each other, it is vital to reconnect and reestablish family ties. Distance is not an excuse. Communication, visitation, and creating space for one’s widow to find their new or expanded niche.
  3. One must take into account a widow’s responsibility. Truly, a widow must learn to grieve in a healthy manner. Paul encouraged the younger widows to reestablish a family and marry. He further recognized a widow’s need to manage and maintain her relationship with God. Ultimately, she must find her role in ministry to others.
  4. The church has a role in supporting a family to care for their widow. (a) Consider enlisting a member to qualify for hospice care in order to be a bridge between the congregation and the grieving widow. (b) Develop an awareness of the stages of bereavement to better help to bring comfort and encouragement. (c) Develop a team that is knowledgeable of basic financial instruments and entitlement programs one might be amenable to. This would help bring awareness of issues. (d) There should be a visitation program that the elders, deacons and preachers, and members should participate in to check in on various needs. (e) While a congregation should not act as a private investigator’s office, a congregation should not act blindly toward senior abuse.

These are but a few items to consider in the quest toward New Testament discipleship concerning the care of widows.

Concluding Thoughts

While this paper was specifically focused upon the injunction by Paul to “any woman of faith” and her responsibility to care for “her” widow, it is critical to remember that this is one side of the coin for the care of widows in the church. It is true that the church should not be so burdened that it cannot function to carry out its mission; however, the community of the church has a responsibility toward its widows who are widows indeed.

The conclusion drawn here is that the shorter, well-attested variant reading piste best explains the other variants. Furthermore, it better weaves within the counterpoints in the discussion which finds closure in verse 16. It provides insight into the service which Christian women rendered on behalf of their faith, as an extension of their Christian family, and as an asset to the church and its ministry to its own widows. To add the fourth reading (pistos e pistē) provides an additional counterpoint that detracts from the focus on the “younger widows” (5:11).

Instead of carousing (5:11-13) they are to remarry and minister to their own widows whoever they may be (14-15). Knight legitimately proposes the possibility that this ministry to widows is an extension of the Christian sister’s husband and her household;[19] therefore, it seems reasonable to conclude that when she ministers to her widows, she ministers to her family’s widow.

The focus on “a woman who believes” is a powerful reminder of the importance Christian sister have in the church’s ministry and in their Christian homes. As in the early church, so today the need for “women of faith” to minister still exists within the church and their families.

The Voice Bible rendering reflects this emphasis:

Tell any woman of faith: if you have a widow in your family, help her so the church is unencumbered and is free to extend aid to the widows who are truly in need of its help.[20]

Endnotes

  1. (UBS5) Barbara Aland, et al., eds., The Greek New Testament, 5th rev. ed. (Stuttgart, Germany: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 2014).
  2. Frederick G. Kenyon, The Text of the Greek Bible: A Students Handbook, Rev. ed. (London: Duckworth, 1949), 96.
  3. (NA28) Eberhard Nestle and Erwin Nestle, Novum Testamentum Graece, 28th rev. ed., eds. Barbara Aland, et al. (Stuttgart, Germany: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 2012), 63*. There exists no papyrus testimony which supports any of the variant readings in 1 Timothy 5:16.
  4. The fourth-century Codex Vaticanus (B) is silent on the variant readings due to the fact that it lacks the letters to Timothy. See Neil R. Lightfoot, How We Got the Bible, 3rd ed. (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books, 2003), 38.
  5. Bruce M. Metzger, A Textual Commentary on the Greek New Testament, 2d ed. (1994; repr., Stuttgart, Germany: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 2001), 574-75.
  6. Metzger, Textual Commentary, 12*-14*; J. Harold Greenlee, Introduction to New Testament Textual Criticism, Rev. ed. (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1964; repr., Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1999), 111-14.
  7. Metzger, Textual Commentary, 14*.
  8. Donald Guthrie, The Pastoral Epistles: An Introduction and Commentary (1957; repr., Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1978), 104.
  9. Greenlee, New Testament Textual Criticism, 112.
  10. Since the extant evidence for these two variants is translational it is possible that the variants emerged in that process (Metzger, Textual Commentary, 575), or in the process of oral transmission since pistos and pistas may be pronounced the same (Greenlee, New Testament Textual Criticism, 57).
  11. Walter L. Liefeld, 1 & 2 Timothy, Titus, Kindle ed. (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 1999), loc. 9699. Liefeld writes, this “would not be the first time that an ancient copyist changed the text to give preference to the male” (fn 21).
  12. Bruce W. Winter, “Providentia for the Widows of 1 Timothy 5:3-16.” TynBul 39 (1988): 83-99.
  13. George W. Knight, III, The Pastoral Epistles (1992.; repr., Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 2013), 222. Winter, “Providentia for the Widows of 1 Timothy 5:3-16,” 94.
  14. Gottlob Schrenk, “baros, barus, bareō,” TDNT 1: 561.
  15. Karl Heinrich Rengstorf, “despotes, oikodespotēs, oikodespoteō,” TDNT 2: 49.
  16. Walter Lock, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Pastoral Epistles, ICC (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1924), 61.
  17. Linda Belleville, “Commentary on 1 Timothy,” Cornerstone Biblical Commentary, ed. Philip W. Comfort (Carol Stream, IL: Tyndale House Publishers, 2009), CBC 17: 95.
  18. Belleville, CBC 17: 101.
  19. Liefeld, 1 & 2 Timothy, 186-88 (loc. 3722-65).
  20. Knight, The Pastoral Epistles, 229.
  21. The Voice Bible: Step into the Story of Scripture (Nashville, TN: Nelson, 2012).

Is Jesus a Poached Egg?

Weird question, I know. Let me explain. This phrase is from C. S. Lewis’s classic book Mere Christianity.[1] Lewis journeyed from atheism to a believer in Jesus as the Christ. In Mere Christianity, he articulated an argument in support of the deity of Jesus commonly styled the trilemma.

Actually, Lewis’ classic argument emerges from his desire to disabuse his readers who are tempted to accept Jesus of Nazareth “as a great moral teacher” and yet reject his claims “to be God.” Lewis is very adamant, “That is the one thing we must not say.”[2] Why? The reason is simple. Jesus made claims to have divine privileges, claims to be divine, and exercised the rights of God by forgiving others of their sins.

How could we rationalize Jesus being a “great moral teacher,” Lewis argues, when he makes such claims to which places him beyond humanity? We are forced to make a decision: accept all that Jesus teaches or attempt to separate this claim to divinity from his teachings.

Decisions, We Have to Make One

At this point, the question about Jesus of Nazareth could be reduced to a dilemma. Professor Maurice Stanley explains that the “dilemma is among the most powerful forms of argument. Like the horns of a charging bull, its alternatives seem to leave you with no escape.”[3]

For example, we may argue that either Jesus is the Christ or He is just “a great moral teacher.”

If Jesus is the Christ, then his teaching is absolutely true.

If Jesus is just a great moral teacher, then his teaching is subjective.

Consequently, you are left with two alternatives: either what Jesus taught (1) is absolutely true, or (2) it is decidedly subjective (we may pick and choose).

As a dilemma, there is no both-and. If you accept one, you deny the other conclusion.

Lewis knew, however, there was a third element regarding the case of Jesus of Nazareth. It simply is not that Jesus is either the Christ or a great moral teacher. Jesus made too many claims to divinity recorded in the Gospel Accounts to leave it at those two options.

Lewis goes to see that Jesus is either one of three things.[4] Jesus is either (1) a lunatic (Lewis’s “a poached egg”), (2) a devil, or (3) the Son of God. This is the trilemma where there is no both-and-and. If you accept one, you deny the other two conclusions.

If you accept that Jesus is a lunatic, then he is the sort of man “who says he is a poached egg” — i.e, a madman.

No madman is a “great moral teacher.” Is Charlie Manson a great moral teacher? What about Jim Jones? Or, David Koresh? Hardly. These are the questions readers of the New Testament need to ask. Interestingly, we find that these questions were raised as well during the ministry of Jesus himself.

They Said, “Jesus is Beside Himself”

In Mark 3:20-21, the family of Jesus had heard that he was home in Capernaum (2:1). They rushed “to lay hold on him: for they said, He is beside himself.” [All Scripture references are from the American Standard Version unless otherwise noted.]

The language is very vivid. Jesus’ own family was so concerned about what people were saying about Jesus that they rushed to take him into their “protective” custody. However, certain Jerusalem scribes had already come and dismissed the exorcisms of Jesus as the work and influence of Beelzebul and “the prince of the demons” (3:22).

The text forces the question concerning Jesus: He is either (1) “out of his mind” (i.e., “a poached egg”) or (2) in cooperation with evil spirits (“a demon”). In the latter point, no one disputed the supernatural elements of the exorcisms.

In this text, Jesus responds with a third option (Mark 3:22-27). He argues that He is not cooperating with Satan, nor is Satan in a civil war against himself since his kingdom would fall apart. Instead, Jesus demonstrates his power and authority over Satan by subduing him in his own home. Jesus, then, logically argues for his superiority over the demonic and satanic world.

This passage then, which questions his sanity, demonstrates that he possesses all his mental faculties (he is not crazy) and that he is no emissary of Satan (he is no deceiver). But true to his power and authority, he is in the company and presence of the Holy Spirit (he is from God). Mark presents Jesus as mentally stable and confident in his power over evil spiritual forces.

Did Jesus Go Crazy Later?

George Bernard Shaw (1856-1950), an Irish playwright, once claimed that Jesus began his teaching ministry as a sane Rabbi but later after being exalted by the masses as Christ lost his mind.[5] This is not, however, the testimony of the Gospel Accounts which are of such authenticity that they could arguably be “admissible as evidence in a court of law” as true ancient eyewitness documents.[6] This is significant since the only authentic evidence for the existence of Jesus, his teaching, and his ministry are the first-century documents of Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John.

But still, if a person claims to be God today, we would say they are insane. The Gospel Accounts, however, are united in their presentation that Jesus claimed both the power and the nature of God. In Mark 2:1-12, Jesus demonstrates that he not only has supernatural powers to heal a disabled man but also the prerogative and power of God to forgive sins (2:7). He then affirms, “that ye may know that the Son of man hath authority on earth to forgive sins” he heals the man (2:10).

Jesus not only taught that he had this divine privilege, but he also claimed to be God in the flesh (John 1:14, 10:29-33). Furthermore, he accepted worship — a significant acceptance of an act only due to God (Matt 8:2; 9:18; 14:33; 15:25; 20:20; Mark 5:6-7; John 9:35-38).

When pressed about Jesus’ “I am God” claim as a demonstration that he was insane, psychologist Dr. Gary R. Collins responded that it is important to remember that “psychologists don’t just look at what a person says. They’ll go much deeper than that.”[7]

Dr. Collins sets forth four particular problems “disturbed individuals frequently show” that Jesus does not demonstrate, namely:

(1) Emotional instability.

(2) Out of touch with reality (misperceptions, paranoia, etc).

(3) Thinking disorders (e.g. cannot think logically)

(4) Demonstration of unsuitable behavior.[8]

Instead, Collins praises the emotional and mental stability of Jesus, giving his “diagnosis” as follows: “All in all, I just don’t see signs that Jesus was suffering from any known mental illness… He was much healthier than anyone else I know —including me!”[9]

The Significance of Jesus and His Resurrection

Ultimately, the Gospel Accounts emphasize the story of Jesus and his significance. This is summed up in the word “gospel” (Grk. euangelion) which means “a good tiding” or “a tiding of joy” (Matt 4:23; Mark 1:1; Luke 1:19, 4:18; John 1:11-13). Surely, the authors would not attempt to establish their gospel message upon a delusional Rabbi from a backwater city like Nazareth (John 1:46). Yet their story hangs on such an individual.

The only thing that makes Jesus’ claim to divinity (“I and the Father are one”) credible is the resurrection from the dead (Rom 1:3-5). While Lewis would ask us to choose between the three options based upon the logic of the Gospel Accounts, the real evidence lies in the resurrection of Jesus.

The strongest evidence for the empty tomb of Jesus is seen in the various conversions of those who did not believe in Jesus (James the brother of Jesus) and those who persecuted Christianity (like Saul-Paul the apostle), who was moved from being unbelievers to significant leaders of the primitive Christian faith (1 Cor 15:1-11).

Gary Habermas reminds us that the earliest belief “that they had actually seen Jesus after his death led to a radical transformation in their lives, even to the point of being willing to die for their faith.”[10] Their conversion and capacity to endure sufferings as eyewitnesses of the resurrected Jesus are unexplainable otherwise.

Concluding Thoughts

Similar arguments can be made from various other texts, but the present discussion should be helpful to demonstrate that Jesus is no “poached egg,” nor is he a liar. We are then led to the only true credible conclusion that Jesus is the son of God.

What will you decide based upon the evidence and testimony of the Gospel Accounts (John 20:30–31; 21:25)? As Lewis reminds us:

let us not come with any patronising [sic] nonsense about His being a great human teacher. He has not left that open to us. He did not intend to.[11]

Endnotes

  1. Clive S. Lewis, Mere Christianity (NY: Macmillan, 1952).
  2. Lewis, Mere Christianity, 56.
  3. Maurice F. Stanely, Logic and Controversy (Boston, MA: Wadsworth, 2002), 192.
  4. N.T. Wright critiques Lewis’ “lunatic, liar, Lord” trilemma argument, or as he rephrases it “bad or mad or God,” by observing that the argument does not take into account the pre-existing “incarnational model” of Israel in the Scriptures and consequently “drastically short-circuits the argument” (“Simply Lewis: Reflections on a Master Apologist After 60 Years,” TouchstoneMag.com). That criticism acknowledged, Lewis does provide the basic contours of the question by forcing his readers to decide if Jesus was a lunatic, a liar, or Lord.
  5. Wayne Jackson calls attention to Shaw’s point of view in Jackson, Eric Lyons, and Kyle Butt, Surveying the Evidence (Montgomery, AL: Apologetics Press, 2008), 175.
  6. Pamela Binnings Ewen, Faith on Trial: An Attorney Analyzes the Evidence for the Death and Resurrection of Jesus (Nashville, TN: B&H, 1999). It has been reprinted with slight variation to the title, Faith on Trial: Analyze the Evidence for the Death and Resurrection of Jesus (Nashville, TN: B&H, 2013). The purpose of the volume is to demonstrate the credibility of the Gospel Accounts to have the internal evidence to stand up in a court of law as eyewitness documents. Ewen argues forcefully that they do. See also Simon Greenleaf, Faith on Trial: Analyze the Evidence for the Death and Resurrection of Jesus (1874; repr., Grand Rapids, MI: Kregel Publications, 1995).
  7. Lee Strobel, The Case for Christ: A Journalist’s Personal Investigation of the Evidence for Jesus (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 1998), 146.
  8. Strobel, The Case for Christ, 146-47.
  9. Strobel, The Case for Christ, 147.
  10. G. Habermas, To Everyone an Answer: A Case for the Christian Worldview, eds. Francis J. Beckwith, William Lane Craig, James P. Moreland (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2004), 189.
  11. Lewis, Mere Christianity, 56.

This is a reformatted and slightly expanded version of the article which originally published in The Glendale Gleaner (Newbern, TN: Glendale church of Christ).